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Monday, January 1, 2024

A Victorian in Arabia Deserta

 

Numbers in brackets refer to endnotes.  Citations refer to the admirable Dover edition of Travels in Arabia Deserta.

 

     I was visiting a friend in the lovely, spacious house on Cape Cod he and his siblings had inherited.  A summer place, it had little changed over the decades.  On its shelves were a number of well-chosen books, many on literature, the arts, and history, reflecting the taste of an educated middle-brow generation before my own.  These included quite a few of the slip-cased Heritage Press editions, more modest versions of the Limited Editions Club volumes, yet aiming to enhance their classic contents with art and design.  I took down an unfamiliar title -- Charles M. Doughty’s 1888 Travels In Arabia Deserta.  Having fancied I had done a bit of wandering in Muslim lands myself, I opened it and saw at a glance that the author used a peculiar archaic English, described in T. E. Lwrence’s introduction as “a style which has apparently neither father nor son.”  His sentences followed patterns that seemed to be at times Elizabethan, and at times simply idiosyncratic.  I began to read and realized at once that I had embarked on something of a journey myself. 

     The book is a monument, amounting to nearly fourteen hundred pages including an excellent index and an essential glossary.   Very much a travel journal, of the heroic Victorian variety, the book meticulously records Doughty’s experiences during two years of trekking in what is today Saudi Arabia.  The illiterate Bedouins think he must be doing magic when he reads or writes, and they must have thought him a dedicated wonder-worker as he set down the occurrences of daily life in the desert, so commonplace to the nomads, so extraordinary to Doughty and his readers.

     He begins as part of a grand haj procession (though as an admitted Christian, he cannot enter Mecca), a vast and highly organized multi-ethnic pilgrimage which makes a dramatic opening to his story.  His second volume ends unceremoniously with his reporting to the British Consulate in Jedda.  Though several times detained in towns, he spends most of the time between simply living in the desert with nomadic people.  He becomes progressively weaker and sicker due to the rigors of his travels.  He makes a show of serving archaeological knowledge by copying old inscriptions in obscure language which he could not himself read such as Nabataean, but this pursuit seems an afterthought.  He brings some medical supplies and gets a reputation as a doctor among the locals, but this activity, too, seems more prudential than benevolent.  What he really wished to do was to experience the life of the “Aarab,” as he calls the wandering desert tribes. 

     These were no caravans carrying merchandise across the sands, but rather subsistence pastoralists who lived primarily on the milk of their camels (some has sheep and goats as well) and on oasis dates.  They had an extremely frugal regime in which Doughty fully participated.  Often neither they nor their beasts could eat through the course of a long day’s march, and sometimes the evening meal was scant when it did arrive. 

    Though the region was still largely unknown, a number of travelers’ accounts preceded Doughty’s [1].  Orientalism had enjoyed a vogue since the eighteenth century and European interest in both real and fictional Arabs was high.  Doughty’s book, with its grittiness and often pedestrian progress, has the highest verisimilitude.  Every reader will feel that he is sketching directly from life. 

     Life in the desert was bare subsistence for even those Doughty calls the “sheykly” class.  They drink sometimes water “thick and ill-smelling in the wet sand, and putrefying with rotten fibres of plants and urea of the nomads’ cattle.” [2] Often  at day’s end the people would say, “’To-day we have not loosed the spittle (their word for breaking the fast).”  [3]  They are in “almost incessant famine” [4].   “Languor of hunger, the desert disease, was in all the tents. ‘Mâana lôn, We have nothing left,’ said the people, one to another.” [5] 

     With scarcely enough to fill their bellies daily, the people upon whom he depends for hospitality never see a physician.  Doughty brought a medical kit and sometimes acts as a hakim, administering drugs and vaccinations, though his patients would sometimes prefer a magic amulet as treatment. [6]  Their scientific naivete is unsurprising, as they have only the foggiest view of the world outside, having no experience of any environment other than their own.  Even Amm Mohammed, a man of some experience with whom Doughty stayed in Kheybar, has the notion that England must be subject to the great Ottoman Sultan.  [7]  Doughty’s mere appearance as an inexplicable white man could excite “a sort of panic terror” among people who take him to be a sáhar or warlock “come to bewitch their village.” [8]

     Often Doughty’s surname seems a sprechende Name as, apart from the constant hazard of armed raids, he is repeatedly threatened with a violent death simply because he, unlike some earlier travelers, readily declares that he is a Christian.  Apart from the specific danger, reiterated often enough to become annoying, but doubtless fresh in its menace with every occurrence for the kafir. 

     Furthermore, outside of towns little law existed apart from tradition and violent robberies as well as organized raids or ghrazzus (of which the Arab nomads seem as fond as the Sioux had been in the American plains).  Such forays were so accepted in their society that Doughty relates one case in which the adjudicating sheiks ruled that the animals must be returned, with the exception of a share which the raiders could retain so that “the turbulent young men” who had stolen them might “be appeased, with somewhat for their pains, and that for an end of strife.” [9]

     The Bedouins are befuddled by Doughty’s presence.  The reader may share some of their wonder at his willful embrace of their arduous life with its hunger, illness, and danger.   His own explanation that his “life might add something of lasting worth to the European geography” [10] is insufficient to support the hardships he endured and afterward the labor of composition.  Though much of what Doughty describes concerns the quotidian details of the peoples’ lives, his prose is never pedestrian, but is rather lit from within by a sense of wonder, a strange beauty.

     His usage was eccentric, but not wholly idiosyncratic.  During his own time and shortly after William Barnes, Gerard Manley Hopkins, Ezra Pound, and Basil Bunting were among campaigners for a “purification” of the language, most importantly by using words with Germanic roots. [11]  His influence is evident in later admirers such as the avant-gardist Laura Riding and the novelist Henry Green for whom he is “a master of the language, the Genius Doughty,” though “he might be writing in Latin.” [12]  Long after he had left Saudi Arabia, Doughty maintained his interest in tinkering with English. 

     His six-volume national epic The Dawn in Britain (1906) strives to use a pre-Shakespearean vocabulary.  His chamber drama The Cliff (1909) which anticipates WWI by imagining a German attack on Britain features among its dramatis personae a “divine shining One from heaven,” a company of “light elves,” “a little deformed maiden,” and the ghosts of napoleon and Joan of Arc.  A sample of his verse might suggest why the play was never performed. 

 

I may not rest, as I wor wont of sleep;

So a wimble bores my brain, of busy thought:

Wherefore, what though ’t be chill for an old wight,

I’ve left them ruckling mother sheep; to pace

Awhile here to and forth, longs the sea-cliff.

 

     Doughty’s own relish for verbal display is evident not only in his own mannered sentences, but also in his appreciation for the artful speeches of his hosts.  He devotes several pages to conveying Abdullah’s loquacious reminiscences during coffee parties.  [13]  a lengthy dynastic history of the dynasty of Ibn Rashid which is surely drawn from oral accounts takes far longer.  [14]  He describes illiterate poets whose poetic rhetoric is nearly unintelligible to him yet who receive the “adulation” of listeners, though to him it is “stern and horrid” and notes that every shepherd boy could sing traditional songs.  [15]   Indeed, he says “the nomads, at leisure and lively minds, have little other than this study to be eloquent.  Their utterance is short and with emphasis.  There is a perspicuous propriety in their speech, with quick significance.”  He catalogues the Arabs’ verbal conventions, noting that “Every tribe has a use, loghra, and neighbors are ever childers of their neighbours’ tongue.”  [16] 

          Reactions to Doughty’s style, assuredly not to everyone’s taste, are likely to be extreme.  To some his language is merely affected, while others are captivated.  A few examples of Doughty’s locutions will suffice – more are available on every page.  The reader is likely to long recall, both for style and content, vignettes such as his description of a few camp hangers-on.  “Forlorn person’s will join themselves to some sheyk’s menzil, and there was with u an aged widow, in wretchedness, who played the mother to her dead daughter’s fatherless children, a son so deformed that like a beast he crept upon the sand [ya Latif, oh happy sight!’ said this most poor and desolate grandam, with religious irony, in her patient sighing] – and an elf-haired girl wonderfully foul-looking.  Boothless, they led their lives under the skies of God, the boy was naked as he came into the desert world.” [17]  A single line may sound proverbial.  “The Arabian sky, seldom clear, weeps as the weeping of hypocrites.”  [18]  At his best, Doughty achieves lyrical sublimity.  “The silent air burning about us, we endure breathless till the assr: lingering day draws down to the sun-setting; the herdsmen, weary of the sun, come again with the cattle, to taste in their menzils the first sweetness of mirth and repose.  – The day is done, and there rises the nightly freshness of this purest mountain air: and then to the cheerful song and the cup of the common fire.  The moon rises ruddy from that solemn obscurity of jebel like a mighty beacon: -- and the morrow will be as this day, days deadly drowned in the sun of the summer wilderness.”  [19]

     If the mighty tones of that rhetoric, so like a church organ, occur only occasionally, it is likely because such moments are likewise rare, and in that a part of their loveliness consists.  Doughty never finds reason to slow his flow of words.  As even the passages quoted above testify, he routinely uses a considerable lexicon of Arabic words, giving the reader an enhanced illusion of participating in the life of the encampments.  (Fortunately, he includes a useful combined glossary and index of over a hundred pages for reference.)  He includes lists of little possible interest: tribes, colloquial expressions [20], horses names [21] or brands [22], the ”thirty fendies [a kindred and natural division in a tribe] of ‘Ateyba” [23], or a collection of inscriptions translated into French [24].

     For me the rewards of trekking through Doughty’s ponderous volumes are of three sorts.  He provides new detail about the Arabian nomads, enlarging the reader’s notion of what it means to be human, and his exposition is all the more dramatic since desert life is always so close to the bone, in this case for the visitor no less than for the natives.  His style, for those receptive to it, is like a strange tide which may ebb and rise but which never loses its mysterious charm.  Surely writing in his journal sustained Doughty through many a difficult day and, for the reader as well, the play of symbols, the turns of syntax, and the author’s unpredictable lexicon prove an unfailing source of entertainment.

     Just as for less eccentric writers, though, the central motive for reading Doughty is to understand his vision.  He is repeatedly asked by his hosts why he is there, in a demanding and dangerous environment, and he has little to say in response.   He has a good many of the prejudices of his day, and he never hesitates to call the Bedouins ignorant and, if they are Wahaby, fanatic.  Indeed, he is willing to refer even to ordinary Muslims as captured  by “the dreadful harpy of their religion [25].  Though he never conceals the fact that he is a Christian, he remains prudent enough to confide only to his notebook that Mohammed is “the barbaric prophet of Mecca” and his religion a “solemn fools’ paradise.” [26]  He casually tosses off remarks  such as “these gracious Orientals are always graceless short-comers at the last” [27]  They have only “a barbarous, fox-like understanding” [28].  Yet he chose to live intimately among them for an extended period of time. 

     Somehow, in spite of his Victorian patriotism, I imagine Doughty would have been very nearly equally acerbic in his observation of his fellow Britons.  The people of the desert had for him one advantage, but that sufficed to motivate him (and his readers to follow).  The Arabs are living in an environment so harsh that they have always their eyes on the essentials.  Undistracted by media, consuming only the commodities they themselves wrest from a stingy land, their life has a purity and grandeur rarely discernable in a modern city. 

     For all the sameness of his days, some moments are epiphanies.  When a sudden storm bursts over the sand, “I said to Thaifullah,’God sends his blessing again upon the earth.’”  “How good! seemed to me, how peaceable!  this little plot of the nomad earth under the dripping curtains of a worsted booth, in comparison of Hâyil town.” [29]  “Bare of all things of which there is no need, they days of our mortality are so easy and become a long quiescence!  Such is the nomad life, a long holiday, wedded to a divine simplicity, but with this often long tolerance of hunger in the khála.” [30]

     Surely, this is why Doughty traveled Arabia and this is why those of us who are less willing to undergo the rigors he apparently embraced can appreciate reading his account of his experiences.  For all his suffering, he seems to have found a sort of Eden, not in a garden, but in the wilderness. 

 

 

1.  Captain George Forster Sadlier traversed the Arabian Peninsula in the early nineteenth century, though his Diary of a Journey Across Arabia from El Khatif in the Persian Gulf to Yanbu in the Red Sea, During the Year 1819 was not published until 1866.  Johann Ludwig Burckhardt’s Travels in Arabia came out in 1829.  Alexander William Kinglake’s Eothen (1844) relates the author’s experiences in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, and in 1857 Richard Burton published his three-volume Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah & Meccah including his visit to the holy cities while disguised as a Muslim.  (Though his story made him something of a celebrity, Burton was not the first European to enter Mecca, having been preceded by a good many others, including Ludovico di Varthema whose Itinerario de Ludouico de Varthema Bolognese was published in 1510.)  In 1865 William Gifford Palgrave’s Personal Narrative of a Year's Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia (1862-1863) appeared.  Georg August Wallin wrote Notes Taken During a Journey Though Part of Northern Arabia in 1848 (1851) and Narrative of a Journeys From Cairo to Medina and Mecca by Suez, Arabia, Tawila, Al-Jauf, Jubbe, Hail and Nejd, in 1845 (1854). 

2.  I, 284.

3. “’To-day we have not loosed the spittle (their word for breaking the fast).”  (I, 489)  They are in “almost incessant famine”  “Languor of hunger, the desert disease, was in all the tents. ‘Mâana lôn, We have nothing left,’ said the people, one to another.”) 

4.  I, 500.

5.  I, 520.

6.  I, 197.

7.  II, 182.

8.  II,108

9.  I, 396.

10.  I, 469.

11.  In this they resembled the official policies of France, Iceland, and Israel. 

12.  “Apologia” in Surviving: the Uncollected Writings of Henry Green “master of the language, Focus on his style as an expression of personality   “his style is mannered, but he is too great a man to be hidden beneath it.”  In Rational Meaning: a New Foundation for the Definition of Words and Supplementary Essays Riding and Schuyler B. Jackson make much of Doughty’s style for reason, they say, “not literary, but linguistic.”

13.  II, 148.

14.  II, 30ff. 

15.  I, 306.

16.  I, 307.

17.  I,263.

18.  I, 351

19.  I, 368.

20.  I, 307.

21.  II, 253.

22.  I, 166.

23.  II, 456.

24.  I, 224-229.

25.  I, 95.

26.  I, 253.

27.  I,125.

28.  I, 142.

29.  II, 83.

30.  I, 490.


A Genial Parking Lot Attendant [Costa Rica]

 

 

      The magnificent Manuel Antonio National Park on the Pacific Coast of Costa Rica features a rain forest full of squirrel monkeys, howler monkeys, and capuchins, as well as toucans, potoos, and motmots, and the regional favorites, the sloths, almost out of sight in the high trees.  On Sunday, however, the park was closed, so the travelers wandered toward the Espadilla Beach.  They could watch the monkeys look for small children whom they saw as easy marks from whom they could snatch candy or chips.  They might even have the chance to glimpse a sloth in the trees near the water.  as they approached, they caught in the air the sweet smell of cannabis and looked around for the source.  It was two rather butch young women, looking after a parking lot for swimmers.  No public parking is available for the popular beach, so many nearby property owners were selling dusty spaces on their land.  The American couple made friendly signs in the direction of the smokers who kindly invited the strangers to join them.  The Americans, whose Spanish was not what it should be, used what they could in a few pleasantries, thanked their new acquaintances, loitered and indulged in a bit of smoky communion, and then proceeded beachward, now levitating a subtle half-inch over the sand.  After this fortuitous beginning, the day proved quite lovely, as they walked on shores littered with coral fragments and met the iguana’s intense gaze and did even see a sloth. 

     The following morning, they passed by the spot of the previous days’ encounter and found only one of the smokers, burning another joint as though for her time stood still.  Short and pudgy, with a shaved head, her name was Roxana.  We paused and deployed our Spanish once more, complimenting the scene, the park, the country of Costa Rica.  Ah,” she demurred with a sigh, “pero este pais esta gobernado por los ricos.”  As it happened, Trump was president, so they told her the situation was regrettably similar in their own homeland and with probably greater untoward circumstances for the world we shared. 

     The fat and still sizable roach had gone out as the three chatted, and Roxana crossed the street to get a light from an aged man preparing to grill pinchos to sell.  Though cannabis is illegal in this country, we had been smoking openly, and she approached him without even a wry comment.  He doubtless had observed her fondness for the stuff daily. 

     Resuming the conversation, one of the Americans ventured the opinion that Trump was very like el diablo. Though probably no expert on foreign affairs, Roxana agreed whole-heartedly.  Ese hombre es el anticristo! We looked into each others’ eyes and found accord.

     The sun was warm and the surf musical.  On the sand local people of all ages, usually in family groups, snacked and played and relaxed.  The two travelers and the parking lot attendant talked until the joint had been consumed and the Spanish vocabulary of the Americans had been exhausted as well.   They were departing the next day, in the ephemeral way of tourists, but they had paused long enough to enough to recognize a fellow traveler through life with whom, despite appearances, they shared more than divided them.

The Hip Aesthetic of the Invisible Circus

 

     The three-day event produced by the Diggers and the Artists Liberation Front in Glide Church during February of 1967 titled Invisible Circus is significant in the evolution of performance art, but rarely discussed in histories that stress the New York City scene.  While East Coast artists like Allan Kaprow, Joseph Beuys, Carolee Schneemann, and Robert Whitman were making a stir in locations like the Rueben and Smolin Galleries, hip San Francisco artists were devising events that embodied distinctly West Coast artistic values.  Among these were a distaste for celebrity and a democratic vision quite at odds with the ambitions of most artists, avant-garde or mainstream.  Through the Artists Liberation Front and the Diggers’ Communications Company, Chester Anderson, Claude Hayward, and others produced truly novel and radical works of art.  The fact that the artists’ names and their most significant works are virtually forgotten in art history is perhaps appropriate.

      The New York performance art scene developed first, its roots in the European trends of Dada, Futurism, and Surrealism.  From Ubu Roi through Artaud and the Theater of the Absurd, modern plays remained conventional in the most fundamental ways with scripts, actors, and spectators.  While the evenings at the Cabaret Voltaire may have seemed altogether chaotic to the audiences, they were planned in detail apart from spontaneous eruptions from the audience and the occasional police raid.  Artists and viewers might become boisterous with cat-calls, boos, and shouted challenges, but the evening, however far out, remained recognizably theater.

     Likewise, for a show often cited as the first “happening,” Allan Kaprow’s 18 Happenings in 6 Parts (1959) at the Rueben Gallery those who attended received detailed instructions on what they should do, when they should move, and the like.  A bell punctuated the movement from each of six sets of three simultaneous happenings. The following year the same gallery presented Robert Whitman’s American Moon for which viewers entered an immersive environment and viewed the event from partial tunnels while performers, including Whitman and Simone Forti flashed lights, produced loud noises, and projected films.  At the conclusion Lucas Samaras sat in a swing above the spectators.  The entire proceeding was “carefully conceived and tightly scripted” to create “an interactive environment that manipulated the audience to a degree virtually unprecedented in 20th century art.” [1]     The limits of innovation in these early happenings are clear.

     A more radical program is explicit in the Fluxus group.  The 1963 manifesto by George Maciunas proclaims itself “REVOLUTIONARY” and advocates “living art, anti-art,” “NON ART REALITY, to be fully grasped by all people, not only critics, dilettantes, and professionals.”  Fluxus demands a fusion of “the cadres of political, social, & cultural revolutionaries into united front and action.” 

     What this might mean in practice is suggested by Maciunas in his “Manifesto on Art / Fluxus Art Amusement” (1965).  He stresses a democratic theme, insisting that, “art-amusement must be simple, amusing, unpretentious, concerned with insignificances, require no skill or countless rehearsals, have no commodity or institutional value.  The value of art-amusement must be lowered by making it unlimited, massproduced, obtainable by all and eventually produced by all.  Fluxus art-amusement is the rear-guard without any pretention or urge to participate in the competition of ‘oneupmanship’ with the avant-garde. It strives for the monostructural and nontheatrical qualities of simple natural event, a game or a gag. It is the fusion of Spikes Jones Vaudeville, gag, children's games and Duchamp.”

     While this program sounds quite revolutionary, it is largely imaginary.  Fluxus was in reality, of course, anything but unpretentious, simple, or natural, and its audience was anything but a general one.    Still, for all that, the events associated with its members remained in many ways highly conventional.  The 1961 Chambers Street loft concerts produced by Yoko Ono and La Monte Young in 1961 observed ordinary concert proprieties, with a clear distinction between onlookers and participants, credited composers, and intermissions, though some involved mixed media and some aleatory elements.  The 1963 Yam Festival devised by George Brecht and Robert Watts was novel in its locations, outside of art galleries, in its element of absurdity, and in its use of mail art, but retained the distinction between creators and consumers.  Never did the group stir outside these boundaries.





    On the other hand, in San Francisco, the epicenter of the ‘sixties youth rebellion, certain events, such as the Invisible Circus were produced that challenged expectations anew and constituted a revolution within the avant-garde itself.  Several activities had indeed been planned, often designed more to stimulate reactions than as an end in themselves.  For instance, the Communications Company brought the Gestetner printer they used for their broadsheets in an activity Richard Brautigan called the “John Dillinger Computer,” but its use was unforeseeable -- they were prepared to print anything for anybody.  Even the projects of insiders were improvisatory.  Chester Anderson went next door to a tavern where he overheard an animated discussion whereupon hie returned to the church, transcribed some of their remarks, printed a few pages and returned to show the bemused drinkers their words on paper. 

     A few pranks were programmed.  For instance, what was presented as a panel discussion on pornography to which a police officer had been invited was really a set-up.  When the police officer began to speak, he was unaware that, on the wall behind him, a penis had emerged through a hole and waggled about while the representative of the straight life was unaware of the cause of the audience’s excited amusement. 

     Though the Circus was punctuated by such moments of pre-planned if playful theater and music including appearances by Pig Pen, Janis Joplin and others, its central importance lies in what was wholly unplanned, what happened that was utterly forgotten as it involved no memoirists or big names in general.  What happened there is gone, something new is happening today.  The pertinent data’s having vanished is in fact the evidence for its authenticity.  Like sand paintings or archaic ritual, the point is in the action as it occurs, not in seeking to fix and retain it like a butterfly specimen in an album.




     While identifiable as a specifically hip aesthetic, the attitude implied by Dave Hodges’ poster was far from universal during the youth rebellion of the ‘sixties.  The “acid tests” of 1965-6 produced by Ken Kesey and Merry Pranksters such as Lee Quarnstrom and Neal Cassady with the aid of Owsley Stanley’s refreshments were very like parties featuring bands such as the pre-Grateful Dead Warlocks and light shows and appearances by Allen Ginsberg and other celebrities prominently featured on the posters.  The same pattern is evident for the Trips Festival at the Longshoremen’s Hall for January 21-23, 1966 organized by Bill Graham, Stewart Brand, Ramon Sender, Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters.  Similarly, publicity for the iconic event of the Haight-Ashbury era, the Human Be-In in 1967, resembled a routine concert announcement, lacking even psychedelic graphics.  Emmet Grogan specifically declared the intentions of the producers of the Invisible Circus to reveal “the feebleness of most public gatherings,” and to transform participants from “passive listeners” into “active participants.” [2]




      Though the Invisible Circus has been the focus here, the contrast between hip concepts and practices between the East and West coasts is, in fact, generally applicable, though hardly predictive in any individual case.  On the Pacific artists dared to defy the age-old artist’s ambition (so evident in Van Gogh’s letters) to be known, to sell.  Among the supporting examples that come first to mind are the scrupulous avoidance of individual celebrity in all Communications Company publications.  Authors are not mentioned, even names like Brautigan’s verging on fame; there is no “star” apart from the collective.  On the international level they had affinities with the Situationists. 

     The career of the Cockettes reinforces the point.   Originally an open door, anything-goes troupe founded by Hibiscus (George Edgerly Harris III) who lived with his company in the Friends of Perfection Commune, called the KaliFlower Commune.  They had welcomed men and women, gay and straight, gifted and untalented alike, and the shows were largely spontaneous.  The Cockettes met their end when their increasing popularity led to engagements in New York City where they were panned by critics who did not understand their anti-aesthetic aesthetic.  This did not, however, bring about their demise.   Rather, it was the lure of real celebrity and the financial rewards it implies, resisted by the idealistic communards that led to the end of the Cockettes and the spawning of the Angels of Light.

      Patty Smith’s Just Kids details an avant-garde scene just a few years later, illustrating a thoroughly East Coast goals.  The author and Robert Mapplethorpe were set on fame, always alert for any opening to a gallery, a dealer, or a wealthy collector.  Her depictions of their regular attendance at Max’s Kansas City, ever seeking to inch a bit closer to the Warhol table (though the maestro was not himself there) are richly comic and worlds away from the ethos I myself experienced reading poetry in the streets of San Francisco around the same time.   My broadsheets, like those of the Communications Company, had no attribution.  The conventionally over-sized artist’s ego was not considered hip. 

     The Diggers’ Invisible Circus broke new ground for the avant-garde by renouncing the illusion of the artist’s separateness and ownership of the work, embracing those in attendance as creators of what happens, a fact in any event.  Specific occurrences at the Invisible Circus were quite unpredictable, in a way impermissible even in works employing the aleatory devices associated with John Cage and Jackson MacLow.  The Diggers not only opened the door of the gallery; they did away with the gallery altogether, placing art in the context of everyday life and allowing its motive to be neither more nor less than fun.  While this ethos failed to move the centers of the art world, it did influence the margins, such as the activities at political demonstrations as well as Cloud House events, Burning Man, and Rainbow Gatherings.  Much remains to be done to understand the artistic implications of the hip movement in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury scene.

 

 

 

1.  Paul Schimmel, “Leap into the Void: Performance and the Object,” Out of Actions: between performance and the object, 1949–1979, MoCA Los Angeles, New York/London, 1998, pp.61-2.

2.  Ringolevio, 282.