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Thursday, July 1, 2021

On Alexander Pope’s “Art of Sinking”

 with reflections on the abundance of bathos in our own time

 

 

I.

     Alexander Pope’s “Peri Bathous or the Art of Sinking in Poetry” [1] satirizes contemporary poets, in particular for what Pope (in a new application of the word) terms bathos, a mingling of the commonplace and the sublime that violates decorum.  While Pope’s title plays on the treatise On the Sublime attributed to Longinus, the piece is targeted at his poetic rivals, Ambrose Philips and a long list of others identified only by initials.  Pope was an active controversialist on the side of neo-Classicism and Tory rule, though personal rather than ideological motives seem at the base of many of his polemics.  In “Peri Bathous,” for instance, he is less concerned with setting forth literary principles than he is with criticizing others’ poor taste.  While the essay might disappoint the theorist, it is filled with Pope’s incisive wit, and accurately predicts a trajectory of modern poetry which, for better or for worse, has continued to pursue the “Art of Sinking.”

         In what might be called a comic apocalyptic reflex, Pope’s essay calls for an inversion of conventional values of literary judgement.  The fact is that there is little to differentiate the satirist from the objects of his ridicule in theory.  They all participate in the assumptions of neo-Classicism, yet in Pope’s view, his rivals are utterly incompetent.  Apart from ridiculing the absurdity of the “sinking” poetry they produce, Pope attacks hacks who write to order for pay in spite of the fact that he himself actively and successfully pursued a career as a professional writer.  

     Pope and the targets of his satire share their age’s stress on the value of models and in ornamentation through a generous use of rhetorical figures.   Thus, he declares, with the essay’s pervasive irony, that it is a “grievous errour” that “the rules of the ancients were equally necessary to the moderns” (I)  The tropes and figures he examines in some technical detail (X-XI) had been received ideas as the basis for the construction of aesthetic texts from the Rhetorica ad Herennium through Puttenham and into Pope’s day.

     The expressions Pope ridicules are not in form wrong; their absurdity arises through loss of decorum.   Pope’s central model of bathos is a figure in which one element is discordant with the next, the sort of ill-fitting parts that Horace figures at the outset of the “Art of Poetry” as monstrous chimerical creatures, for instance, part horse and part man, or woman and fish.  His rivals, he suggests, are unable to exercise taste enough to make the elements of their images match.  They work the same vein as he, but cannot perform up to his standard. 

     The poor taste of the poets Pope ridicules has, he believes, a material base: they write for money and thus will shape their efforts toward the most widespread popularity rather than the greatest beauty.  Rather than speaking of inspiration or genius, he focuses on the business of poetry, speaking of the “trade” and “manufacture” of literature.  (XIII)  Using the “Golden Rule of Transformation,” one may generate absurdities freely and reduce any object to the ridiculous by the simple technique of examining it through “the wrong end of a Perspective Glass, by which all the Objects of Nature are lessen’d.” (V)  This is in fact only an example of the departure from common sense and the acceptance of truth in nature which Pope decries.  In a way not wholly unlike the “commodity fetishization” Marx and his followers regarded as obscuring economic relations, this false view blocks the creation and appreciation of the sublime for Pope. [2] 

     Britain was moving already toward industrial capitalism during Pope’s time from the feudal agriculture-based economy, so the arbiter of aesthetic decision was becoming ever less the nobility and their toadies and becoming the literate bourgeoisie.  With even greater plausibility than those in the eighteenth century who doubted the judgement of the public in making political decisions, Pope’s persona neatly finesses his replacement of the Horatian formula by arguing that “if the intent of all poetry be to divert and instruct, certainly that kind, which diverts and instructs the greatest number, is to be preferred.”  The effect is to abandon any attempt to impress the cultivated, “men of a nice and foppish gusto, whom after all it is almost impossible to please,” or “to write for posterity of whose taste we cannot make any judgment,” and to make “gain the principal end of our art.” (II)  Though ironically expressed, these views echo Boileau who insists that the poet must write with “immortal Fame” in mind, that abject dedication to  patrons leads to work unbecomingly “fill'd with fulsome flatteries.”  The author must never choose “Gold for the object of a gen'erous Muse,” yet with “the Stars propitious Influence” a poet may yet hope “a sharp-sighted Prince, by early Grants/ Rewards your Merits, and prevents your Wants.” [3] 

     Therefore, one need have no particular training, background, or apprenticeship to be poetic; it is rather within reach of everyman.  In fact, Pope playfully suggests that certain low persons might prove especially gifted.  Since “nothing is more evident than that divers persons, no other way remarkable, have each a strong disposition to the formation of some particular trope or figure,” the production of poetry could be done collectively by these specialists. (XIII)  Thus fishmongers might compose epithets, since “epithets may be found in great plenty at Billingsgate,” anadiplosis may be trusted to “common criers and hawkers, who by redoubling the same words persuade people to buy their oysters, green hastings, or new ballads,” and “the ellipsis, or speech by half-words” entrusted to “ministers and politicians.”

     In what now seems a striking anticipation of both assembly line production and the capitalist creation of imaginative works by committee in film and television designed to appeal to the largest demographics.  In the early days of the Industrial Revolution Pope had in this essay invented the English use of the term bathos as though it were necessary to define a new phenomenon, but, in the centuries since, bathos has flourished to such an extent and readers have, during the last century, proven so fond on “low” imagery that the bathetic has proven dominant.

     In his own view, Pope was nothing but normative.  It is he who imitates nature and they who are “anti-natural.” (V)  To him he is the reasonable man calling attention to the failings of the unreasonable.  He considers himself a member not so much of a partisan group as of the party of the correct.  In terms of his condemnation of writing for money, his own practice had been mixed and transitional like his age.  While constantly seeking highly placed supporters, Pope had no illusions about patronage and in the Dunciad satirizes those who value the most extravagant praise from their poets over the most competent verse.  “He wins this Patron who can tickle best” (II 198)  Pope’s own competence, allowing him to build his villa in Twickenham, was made by the sales of his translations of Homer and then his edition of Shakespeare.  He also cultivated patrons such as Richard Boyle, 3rd Earl of Burlington and Allen Bathurst, Baron and later 1st Earl Bathurst.  Yet the transitional character of the age is clear in the fact the popularity and patronage were by no means mutually exclusive.  Pope and others published sometimes by subscription and one noble title on the list will attract others as well as those on lower rungs of the social ladder.

     The reader may look to Pope for superb craft and brilliant wit.  He excels at formulating “what oft was Thought, but ne'er so well Exprest,” but he does not strive after original ideas, nor is he really a man of ideas at all.  He is nonetheless an outstanding poet, and it is his poetic gift that illuminates “The Art of Sinking.”  In it the reader may see art questioning its own ability to survive the coming of the age of crass capitalist philistinism.  

 

 

II.

     Though the modern reader may suspect that Pope was not in the end arguing on behalf of anything more than his own superior practice, he was quite right about the shift in the business of literature.  With the hegemony of monopoly and finance capitalism in the centuries since has come likewise a further “sinking.”  The eighteenth century could scarcely have imagined the depths to which modern artists have sunk during an age in which popularity is virtually uncontested as an index of excellence, and even the educated discuss television shows and rock bands and know nothing further of the arts.  These commodified commercial forms, of course, for the most part assume the predominant values of their society just as all popular genres will tend to do. 

     The hierarchical structure which enables Pope’s complaint of mixing low and high is explicitly opposed by many modern poets.  The tendency is commonplace since Wordsworth was attacked for his

language “which is coarse, inelegant or infantine,” betraying “perverseness and bad taste.”  The influential Lord Jeffrey, with assumptions little changed from Pope’s found in Wordsworth the fault “of connecting his most lofty, tender, or impassioned conceptions, with objects and incidents, which the greater part of his readers will probably persist in thinking low, silly, or uninteresting.     All the world laughs at Elegiac stanzas to a sucking-pig — a Hymn on Washing-day — Sonnets to one's grandmother — or Pindarics on gooseberry-pye.” [4]

     Since that rear-guard assault by a traditionalist over two hundred years ago, the parameters of poetry have shifted dramatically and bathos has, proven if not a clear victor, the stronger contender.  Readers will require no evidence on this score as most of the innovative currents since the Romantics have justified the use of the banal, the vulgar, and the colloquial and have often intentionally linked low and high. [5]  A brief survey of such practices might include Whitmanic, Cubist, Imagist, Objectivist, and Socialist Realist poetry which each of which in its own way values the “low.”  Vorticism, Aleatory, and Language poetry privilege discontinuities. [6]  Surely Pope would have thought quite preposterous the ironic modes of aesthetic appreciation that have developed in the last hundred years: the kitsch, the camp, the hip all intentionally appreciate what a traditionalist would find ugly.  Great work has been done even by the extreme practitioners in this mode; one need think only of Gertrude Stein and Francis Ponge, but their achievements would have only bewildered a critic of Pope’s sensibilities. 

     The causes of this evolution may be various, but the most significant is surely that named by Pope – the substitution of an undiscriminating public for a smaller but more cultivated audience.  The analysis of audience is turned upon Pope himself by Christopher Caudwell, in his classic of ‘thirties vulgar Marxist literary history.  With the pose of certainty associated with “scientific” socialism, Caudwell asserts that Alexander Pope “perfectly expresses the ideals of the bourgeois class in alliance with a bourgeoisified aristocracy in the epoch of manufacture.”  [7]  Dependent on patrons, poets of his day were obliged “to To him “Pope’s poetry and his ‘reason’” are “a reflection of that stage of the bourgeois illusion where freedom for the bourgeoisie can only be ‘limited.’”  Introducing a surprisingly affective term Caudwell says that in the eighteenth century “the imposition of outward forms on the heart is necessary and accepted.”

    While true, these statements are not far from being simple truisms and thus of little probative value.  Every poet, even the avant-garde and the counter-cultural, must “speak the language of his paymasters.”  And surely freedom is always limited, the living heart cannot be entirely liberated.  Out of tension and contradiction arise history, consciousness, and poetry, charged always with unsatisfied desire.  Perfect satisfaction, total enlightenment is silent. Absence of form is chaos.  Human ideas are defined by the specific forms thought assumes under multiple determinants. 

     A siren in the form of the mirage of a coherent chain of being sang to Pope.  He saw his place beneath a proper king atop a structure that included enlightened patrons.  Aristocrats might demonstrate their nobility by refined taste in this scheme while less sensitive readers gulp down bad verse.  The more common modern illusion collapses the old value distinctions and eliminates the standard of decorum.  Yet the modern idea of the poet justifies itself by a kind of democracy of things, a notion developing from Donne through Wordsworth and Whitman, in which a bedbug may be as grand as a mountain and form is infinitely variable.  We look back on Pope, then, with nostalgia, as one who lived during those when one could imagine a bedrock of established truth beneath his feet.      

 

 

1.  the essay was published under the name Martinus Scriblerus in “The Last Volume” of Motte’s Miscellanies in  Prose and Verse March 8, 1727/8   The authorship is still contested by some scholars, with Arbuthnot and Swift the other candidates, but contemporary opinion favors Pope.  For a discussion of the issue in a complete critical edition see Edna Leake Steeves’ The Art of Sinking in Poetry (1952).

2.  Cf. Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction” (1935).

3.  Art of Poetry, translated by William Soames and revised by John Dryden, Canto IV, lines 100, 138, 143, and 155-159.

4.  Francis Jeffrey, Review of Wordsworth, Poems, in Two Volumes; Edinburgh Review 11 (October 1807) 214-31.

5.  Even trends like the Symbolists and later prophetic and “deep image” practitioners which aspire to sublimity do so often through unassuming or unlikely imagery. 

6.  Charles Bernstein says in “Semblance”: “Textures, vocabularies, discourses, constructivist modes of radically different character are not integrated into a field as part of a predetermined planar architecture; the gaps and jumps compose a space with shifting parameters, types and styles of discourse constantly crisscrossing, interacting, creating new gels."

7.  Illusion and Reality, 86.

Jelly Roll Morton’s “The Murder Ballad”

 and the Artful Use of Vulgarity

 

The text of the lyrics of “The Murder Ballad” is available at both http://www.doctorjazz.co.uk/locspeech3.html#locaafs3 (which also includes transcriptions of Morton’s comments) and https://louismaistros.livejournal.com/47509.html.

 

 

     During 1938 recordings of Jelly Roll Morton for the Library of Congress, Alan Lomax inquired about the musician’s early days playing in Storyville brothels.   Morton was initially reluctant to sing vulgar lyrics, but aided by whiskey and Lomax’s encouragement, Morton performed that day a version of “The Dirty Dozen,” an extraordinarily explicit “Make Me a Pallet on the Floor,” and a thirty minute long song titled “The Murder Ballad.”  Because of its obscene language, the recording was not released (nor the lyrics printed) until 2005.  The musician’s position as an innovator present at the birth of jazz and the replication of the sensibility of a licentious atmosphere already in the past make this recording significant historically.  The loose, improvisatory lyrics are a model of oral composition.

     The generic title “The Murder Ballad” sounds like a chapter heading in a folksong book likely because it was added by Lomax after Morton provided none.  Songs on the theme of homicide had, of course, made up a significant portion of the traditional English ballad repertory well before similar songs were recorded among African-Americans.  Most often, the killer’s motive on both sides of the Atlantic is sexual, either a lover killing a rival or a faithless man doing away with a cast-off partner.  The popularity of such stories is hardly surprising given that they combine the deepest human fears and desires centering around love and sex as well as aggression and death.

     The title is also apposite in that Morton seems to be improvising from the start.  Having just finished the playfully transgressive “The Dirty Dozen,” Morton continued his high-spirited violation of verbal taboos.  Using the formulae available in the tradition, he composed a story conventional in that it describes the crime in sensational and lurid detail before eventually arriving at a moralizing ending and integrating conventional phrases into a dramatic narrative with a multiplicity of voices.

     Even while Lomax kept refilling his glass, Morton was experienced enough to not only tell the story in an effective and artful manner, but to couch his narration in a well-structured and effective pattern (the sort of planning the ancient rhetoricians called dispositio).  He accommodated this process to the technical strictures of the session.  Cutting aluminum discs which had a maximum length of a little over four minutes, Morton had to stop singing (though he kept vamping on the piano) until Lomax had set up the next – the whole song took seven records, each a separate lyric with a clear internal unity.

     In the first the female persona threatens her rival with flaming language.    The extravagance of the rhetoric signifies passionate intensity but it also is entertaining in itself, particularly when expressed in words ordinarily tabooed.  These may be witty, amounting almost to a riddle: “If you don’t leave my man alone they’ll find you every Decoration Day” or intensely fierce: “Bitch, I’ll cut your fucking throat and drink your blood like wine.”  In the Storyville brothels such wild energies were recognized, respected, and incorporated into art.

     The second record, labeled by Lomax “The Murder Ballad, part 2” narrates the defiance of the rival lover who declares, in the first variation of the persona’s voice, “This ain’t no slavery time, and I’m sure that I’m free” and then the murder. The act of killing is described once realistically and once with the passion of mad jealousy: “She said, ‘Open your legs, you dirty bitch, I’m gonna shoot you between your thighs.’”

     The variation in speakers continues in part 3 where other inmates, the prosecutor, jury, and judge are quoted as well as the protagonist who unapologetically admits her crime.  The performance circumstances are evident as Morton pauses in this section to note “Oh, that’s good whisky, makes me moan.”

     A conventional murder ballad would have likely concluded at this point, but Morton goes on in part 4 to detail the prisoner’s resort to masturbation and lesbianism in prison: “Time is comin’ a woman won’t need no man,/ You can get it all with your beautiful hand.”  While it may be true that while incarcerated many might think, “I can’t have a man, so a woman is my next bet,” but Morton dramatizes the aggressive tone of some such jailhouse relationships: “I’m goin’ to get some of this cunt, you bitch, I said.”  The listener is now in the realm of a sort of carnivalesque eroticism characteristic of obscenity, an infantile polymorphous perversity where anything goes, but with the harsh reminder of exploitation and selfishness.  The ideal of a monogamous relationship implied by “my man” has been abandoned, but the sexual energy is undiminished.

     The celebration of their opportunistic sex continues in the 5th section

 

I want you to screw me, screw me like a dog

Screw me behind, sweet bitch, screw me like a dog

When it gets good, I want to holler out like a hog

 

We are here in the chaotic orgiastic atmosphere of the toast called “The Freaks’ Ball” (or ”The Bull-daggers’ Ball”).  The passage concludes, however, with a fond reminiscence of her male lover and the punning realization that, while she may still have a bed partner, her life is harshly compromised.  “Now I’m screwed, I’m behind the walls for a long time.”

     This leads directly to the moralizing conclusion of the 6th and 7th sections of the song, telling listeners “please don’t be like me.”  Realizing that she is in prison ”for my natural life, she reflects on the conundrum of romantic love.  Immediately after saying “I’m sorry, babe, sorry to my heart/  I’m sorry that that argument ever did start,” she calls him “a dirty rotten son of a bitch.”  Faced with the contradiction, all she can do is “pray and pray and pray and pray and pray.”  The final section is a lament for mortality, intensified by the isolation of imprisonment.  The very last lines repeat the ethical theme, while with the very last words retain a memory of worldly desire, a mere phantom in the mind of a prisoner of the state: “try to be a good girl/  That’s the only way you gonna wear your diamonds and pearls.”

     In the closest thematic register Morton’s poem recreates the self-consciously libertine atmosphere of the New Orleans brothels where he had entertained.  Its physicality, hyperbole, and braggadocio shape a narrative that foregrounds the most potent and elemental forms of desire, eros and thanatos, love and aggression.  At the same time this story, which is set in the demi-monde where such raw passions are undisguised and originally performed in whorehouses where few idealistic illusions can survive, is a poignant testament to the spirit.  The female persona Morton adopts for the song, though battered by life and facing death, can yet formulate an artfully shaped aesthetic object, not to change the harsh conditions of existence, but to gain some sense of mastery while facing the impossible odds of life.  Surely every human has experienced (though in widely varying forms and degrees) the impetuous appetitive lust, the helpless and vulnerable romanticism of a mutual love relationship.  Morton and his audience responded in the language of their own time and place, no less than the seventeenth century Cantabrigian who wrote that, at the best, we “tear our pleasures with rough strife/  Through the iron gates of life.” 

 

Holy Nudity

 

I exclude from consideration the lengthy and fascinating history of the use of nudity to intensify protests such as by the Doukhobors and Extinction Rebellion or artworks such as Spencer Tunick’s photographs or Yayoi Kusama’s “Grand Orgy to Awaken the Dead” (performed in the MoMA sculpture garden).  In a more difficult judgement, I also exclude religious manifestations that strike me as cult-like and exploitative, though these almost always involve nudity and sexuality and may be difficult to distinguish from other unconventional spiritual practices.

 

Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy! Holy!

The world is holy! The soul is holy! The skin is holy! The nose is holy! The tongue and cock and hand and asshole holy!

                                            Allen Ginsberg, footnote to Howl

 

 

 

     Who could fail to be charmed by the story of Thomas Butts’ coming to call on William Blake only to discover the poet and his wife naked, reading Paradise Lost aloud?  When the visitor hesitated, the poet called out, “Come in!  It’s only Adam and Eve, you know.” [1]  What makes the anecdote amusing, of course, and what excited “the scandal of wondering neighbors” of the little garden at 13 Hercules Buildings is the conventional assumption that nudity is incongruous with holiness.  

     In an earlier age Blake and his wife might have been accused of heresy as well as indecency since they were identifying with the primal couple before the fall and thus denying original sin.  Once born into self-consciousness Adam and Eve’s very first reaction once they have eaten the fruit is to feel ashamed of their bodies.  “And the eyes of them both were opened, and they knew that they were naked; and they sewed fig leaves together, and made themselves aprons.”  Later God is thoughtful enough to make them garments of skins, presumably more practical for longtime wear.  [2]

     The author of this portion of Genesis was inverting the values of the symbols employed by their ancient Near Eastern neighbors.  The snake and the fruit, which had been regularly associated in Sumerian, Babylonian, Akkadian, Hittite, and Canaanite myth with fertility and the good things of this earth became evil in the story of Adam and Eve, allowing a religious view that, in contrast to religious practices descending from the Neolithic, is fundamentally hostile to the body.  The affirmation implied by Hesiod’s advice to farmers “to sow naked, plow naked, and reap naked” [3] and in this way encourage the fertility of the earth appears only in vestiges in the Hebrew Bible such as, for instance, the snake-topped pole associated with healing and in lyrical love passages, particularly in the Song of Songs.  [4]

       Clearly the primary significance of the story of the Fall is to teach that the body is inherently disgraceful and must be well-covered.  Yet the contrary notion lurks still in the background even here: in paradise one wears no clothes.  The bodily form is in the image of God and must therefore be glorious.  The tension of this contradiction stretches to the present day in such phenomena as the wigs that conceal the hair of ultra-Orthodox Jewish wives and sexual abuse by the Catholic clergy . 

       In general the Abrahamic religions have adopted the negative view represented in the Eden myth in which nudity or dress which reveals the body is considered to be shameful.   Equated with disgrace by prophets and sages, nakedness is associated with oppression and want, the humiliation of military defeat, and ritual uncleanness [5], but surely the primarily motive for body taboos was the concern for sexual purity of women.  The concern for tzniut (basheydnkeyt in Yiddish), for haya or satr in Islam, and modesty in Christianity [6] has resulted in a wide variety of specific dressing codes, all of which traditions place the greatest stress on the sexual purity or faithfulness of women and the discouragement of lust with its inevitable social dangers.

     The condemnation of immodest clothes and promiscuous behavior is complicated in the Hebrew scripture by the fact that the prophets were sometimes condemning acts that were not simply immoral but blasphemous as well since they sometimes referred to the Near Eastern fertility cults which included practices like temple prostitution.   Most prominently in the Canaanite cult of Qetesh which was then adopted in the Egyptian New Kingdom worshippers had sexual contact in the temple with a woman who might be either a dedicated servitor of the deity or a pious layperson fulfilling a once-in-a-lifetime obligation. [7]

     In the early Christian church candidates for baptism presented themselves naked.  The symbolism is clear in St. Cyril’s instructions.  “As soon, then, as ye entered, ye put off your tunic; and this was an image of putting off the old man with his deeds.  Having stripped yourselves, ye were naked; in this also imitating Christ, who was stripped naked on the Cross, and by His nakedness put off from Himself the principalities and powers, and openly triumphed over them on the tree.” [8]

     Blake was far from the first to attempt to recover a prelapsarian innocence through nudity.  In Christianity’s childhood, when orthodoxy was first debated and distinguished from heresy, among the cults most particularly condemned were those associated with the Carpocratian gnostics. [9]  In Augustine and other Christian polemicists one reads of otherwise unknown groups with the most extraordinary beliefs and practices.  A variety of Gnostic groups directly upended Jewish and Christian symbolic values and revered the serpent of Eden as the one who brought knowledge to humanity.  Among them were antinomians like the Nicolaitans who appeared early enough to be attacked in Revelations [10] and, according to Clement of Alexandria, “abandoned themselves to pleasures like goats in a life of shameless self-indulgence.”  If one is to believe Epiphanius, Borborite scripture described Christ’s having sex and used semen and menstrual blood in their eucharist.  Followers of Carpocrates in the second century formed communal groups in which private property was abolished and goods, including women, were held in common.  

    Augustine says of the Adamites as those who practiced nudity were termed, “Naked they gather together, men and women alike; naked they listen to readings; naked they pray; naked they celebrate the sacraments; and that is why they reckon their own church as paradise.”  [11]  A millennium later Europe experienced an efflorescence of neo-Adamite groups which began in the Middle Ages and then briefly flourished on the left wing of the Reformation.   During the fifteenth century a group of Adamites split from the Taborite movement in Bohemia and established a communist nudist colony on an island in the Nežárka.  In 1535 a group of Anabaptists in Amsterdam went naked through the streets prophesying.  They were all executed. 

     In 1641 a pamphlet [12] described an Adamite meeting in the supposed words of a participant who offers to explain their worship to a stranger.  “I will tell you what the brother-hood is, & give you good reason for it.”  Together they proceed to Marylebone Park “where were gathered at least one hundred men and women…[who] instantly stripped themselves to the bare skin, both men and women’ to listen to the Adamite’s sermon.”  The text is Genesis 2:25 “And they were both naked,” and the preacher concludes with the words, “We therefore, my dearely affected, that are voyd of these superstitious coverings, not onely Cloathes, but also Churches, for we prophesie in the open fields as our Father Adam did in the garden of Eden, must needs be in the state of innocence, as he was, for we have not so much as fig-leaves upon us: let us therefore reioyce exceedingly, and expresse our ioy in the lively act of Generation, and propagation of the godly, that may bee borne naked as we are at this present.”

     The same year another anonymous pamphlet noted, among the distressing variety of dissenters “there is sprung up a new sect of Adamists, who take their denomination from our first father Adam, and these with men and women promiscuously mingled have their private meetings, where they will not hear the word preached nor have sacrament administered to them but naked, not so much as fig-leaf breeches upon them, thinking thereby to imitate our first parents in their innocency.” [13]

     A number of seventeenth century Quakers in particular embraced nakedness, including Elizabeth and James Milner who are reported (by their enemies) to have called themselves Adam and Eve.  We know from both Defoe and Pepys of Solomon Eccles’ going about during the 1665 plague without clothing and with a brazier of burning coals on his head.  Poor Eccles was whipped and imprisoned for his brand of piety.  A disapproving contemporary relates how “A Maid-servant at Putney at her Masters house, when he and many friends were at Dinner with him, came into his Parlour amongst them stark-naked, and another day stark-naked from her Masters house through Wandsor and to Lambeth, or neer it, where some Water-men, by force, stop'd her, and carried her back. It was said, she intended to have entred London, over the Bridge, and so to have gone through London streets unto Westminster.”  The author goes on to describe other similar observations, including “a Man-quaker [who] went stark naked through all the Market, and on a Lords day in the same posture entred into the greatest Assembly in that Town, walking unto the further end of the lower cross through many people and then returned.”  [14]   In  America  female Quakers Lydia Wardel and Deborah Wilson followed their British cousins – both were whipped for their action.   Perhaps the last Quaker Adamite was Alexander Jaffray whose diary records his nude stroll through the streets of Aberdeen in 1677.  [15]

     Appearing in recent times, the epigone of this long tradition are the leaders of the modern “naturist” movement in the United States: Ilsley Boone, Henry S. Huntington, and Elton Raymond Shaw, all active Protestants, two of them clergymen.  They were influenced by the health food and exercise regimens of the late nineteenth century and advocated a lifestyle including vegetarianism, sunshine, calisthenics, and abstention from alcohol, tobacco, and coffee, similar to the Germanic nudism that persists strongly to this day under the formidable name of Freikörperkultur. [16]

     Surely all the religious enthusiasts of previous centuries would, like these “naturists,” utterly deny any erotic component to their sight of naked bodies, yet might it not be that the prodigious dynamo of human sexual energy simply kicked their psyches to a higher level from which they were better able to engage the cosmos or the divine?  After all, even prior to the Song of Songs sexual desire has served as the likeliest metaphor for spiritual ecstasy.  This tradition has flourished, recorded in countless texts including the parable of the ten virgins, the poetry of Mechthild and St. John of the Cross, as well as in non-Christian religious poetry including Krishnaite love poetry such as Meera Bai and much Sufi song, Rumi, Hafiz, and many others.

     The most recent widespread association of nudity and holiness is surely the cluster of cultural phenomena associated with the hip youth movement in the sixties.  Allen Ginsberg had begun taking off his clothes at social gatherings a decade earlier, and thousands followed his example in communes, concert venues, parks, “encounter groups,” and meditative sessions.  Even if the effect of such scenes is dimmed by the increased tolerance for revealing clothing and the prevalence of nudity in contemporary films, attempts to recover an Edenic joy through shedding clothes will surely continue, rooted as it is in the prodigious human sexual drive and the resulting customs, restrictions, and taboos.   

     Among non-Christians are a wide variety of naked worshippers even in the present day.  The Digambara or “sky-clad” Jain monks wear nothing at all and sweep the ground before them with a peacock feather broom to avoid treading on small creatures.  The Hindu Shaivite Naga sadhus wear no clothes, though they may wrap themselves at times in a single saffron cloth.  Generally meditating in mountain retreats, they use cannabis (and sometimes martial arts) in their spiritual practice.  Certain Muslim Sufi dervishes such as the Malmatis, likewise eschew clothing in their encampments.  There are also extraordinary individuals such as the eleventh century Sufi poet Baba Taher, called Oryan “the naked” and the remarkable Sarmad Kashani, a 17th century Jewish mystic, originally Jewish, who, while he lived in India, refused to conform to Judaism, Islam, or Hinduism, and was executed for heresy.  

     One might interrogate one’s feelings, standing naked in bedroom or bath or, like Blake, in a breezy garden and inquire the mixture in the mind of purity, integrity, and natural wholeness with shame, self-consciousness, and vulnerability.  If the positive sense of self predominates (as surely it should), one might perhaps begin to imagine the exhilaration of those from earlier centuries for whom the simple experience of shedding clothes reinforced the essential rightness of the body to the extent that they felt themselves absolved of original sin and return thereby to Paradise. 

 

 

 

1.  The story appears in Chapter 12 of Alexander Gilchrist’s Life of Blake.

2.  Genesis 3:7 and 3:21.

3.  Works and Days 390. 

4.  Numbers 21:6-9.  Cf. the rod of Asclepius (often in the U. S. confused with the caduceus).  This snake pole, however, was destroyed by the reformer Hezekiah (2 Kings 18:4).  For love poetry see the Song of Songs passim and, for instance, Proverbs 5:18-19 “Let your fountain be blessed, and rejoice in the wife of your youth, a lovely deer, a graceful doe. Let her breasts fill you at all times with delight; be intoxicated always in her love.”

5.  See, for example, Isaiah 47:1-3, Deuteronomy 28:47-48, and Lamentations 1:8.   For poverty, see Revelation 3:17-18.  On war, see Isaiah 20:2-4.  For the temple taboo, Exodus 20:26.

6.  Key scriptural passages include for Jews Micah 6:8, Proverbs 11:2,and Leviticus 18:6; for Muslims Quran 33:59 and 24:31, and for Christians 1 Timothy 2:9. -

7.  This practice is paralleled in modern times by such phenomena as free love in Noyes’ Oneida Colony in 19th century New York and the custom of Muslims having sex with a stranger as the culminating act of a pilgrimage to Gunung Kemukus in Java.  Many Hebrew-speaking Israelites seem to have participated in the Canaanite rites until the “Deuteronomic reforms” of King Josiah in the seventh century B. C. E.  the prohibition of temple prostitution is recorded in Deuteronomy 23:18, yet the remonstrances of Ezekiel and others they frequently reverted to the practice.  See Ezekiel 23:36-48, II Kings 23:37, 24:9, and 24:19.  In his rage Ezekiel approaches obscenity in 23:20.

8.  St Cyril, Mystagogic Catecheses.

9.  The following accounts are drawn from Augustine (De haeresibus 31), Clement of Alexandria (Stromata II, 20 and III.4), Epiphanius (Panarion, lii), Irenaeus (Ἔλεγχος καὶ ἀνατροπὴ τῆς ψευδωνύμου γνώσεως [called Against Heresies], I.25), and Theodoret (Haereticarum fabularum compendium, I, 6).

10.  2:6, 15. 

11. The Adamites sermon containing their manner of preaching, expounding, and prophesying, as it was delivered in Marie-bone Park.

12.  The Brownists Conventicle: Or an assemble of Brownists, Separatists, and Non-Conformists.

13.  For these and other accounts see Jacques Tual 1997. “Friends on the Fringe: A Further Assessment of Nude Prophesying in Early Quakerism” in Kiyoshi Tsuchiya (ed.), Dissent and Marginality: Studies in Literature and Religion.  I have also made use of Kenneth L. Carroll, “Early Quakers and Going Naked as a Sign,” Quaker History Vol. 67, No. 2.

14. Richard Blome, in his The Fanatick History (1660), p. 112.

15.  James Bowden, The History of the Society of Friends in America, 273.   

16.  One may sunbathe naked in urban German parks and clothesless hikers may enjoy naked trekking (“nacktwandern”) on parkland trails.