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Planetary Motions
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Spoor of Desire: Selected Poems
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Friday, December 1, 2023

Voluptuous Ascetics in Anatole France’s Thaïs


The translations of quoted French phrases are my own.

 

     The usefulness of distinguishing eras in literary history is indisputable, but they are never more than a convenience.  Anatole France, who wrote well into the twentieth century, turned not only from the schools of Realism and Naturalism, but from the preceding Romantic assumptions as well and wrote as an heir of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment and, in particular, as a follower of Voltaire.  

     Heavy on theme as France typically is, the characters in Thaïs, even the central ones, are rather representative types or spokespersons for points of view than convincing personalities.  The two principals, Paphnutius and Thais, describe a narrative chiasmus as the monk realizes that beneath his pious reputation, he is in fact the slave of his desires while the abandoned Thais discovers her discipline and piety in spite of her once libertine lifestyle.  The formal symmetry of this movement is satisfying quite apart from the thematic implications, though the latter are in the foreground. 

     If the story is a sort of anti-clerical parable, an inverted saint’s life, Paphnutius is, of course, a negative exemplum.   Though France was an atheist, the novel can hardly be called anti-Christian.  Paphnutius’  co-religionists, from St. Anthony through Ahmes, Albina, and Palemon, and ultimately including Thaïs herself, are all depicted as sincere and benevolent, whether their beliefs are true or not.  Even asceticism, from which the author might be expected to recoil, is not confined to Christianity, but represented as well by Timocles the skeptic whom Paphnutius encounters meditating naked on the banks of the Nile like a saddhu (and indeed he is said to have visited India).   Timocles matches Paphnutius’ austerities without adopting any of his faith.  All decisions have become for Timocles a matter of indifference.  He reflexively responds to any question with the Skeptic’s ἐποχή (suspension of judgment, withholding of assent).  He may seem grotesque in his withdrawal from life, but he is not self-interested or hypocritical.  He declares quite simply that there is no certainty in the world and that impressions are always subjective.  Les mêmes choses ont diverses apparences.” (“The same things have diverse appearances.”)

     The Banquet like the Symposia of Plato or Xenophon, like other dialogues, and like the novels of Thomas Love Peacock or Charles Erskine Scott Wood’s Heavenly Discourse, introduce characters who represent various points of view.   France conveniently labels each of his Hellenistic banqueters so there may be no confusion: thus Dorion is an Epicurean; Eucritus a Stoic, Zenothemis a Gnostic, Hermodorus a syncretist Serapian, and Marcus an Arian Christian.  They trade opinions not with the urgency of the true believer or the proselytizer, but with the casual detachment of people passing a pleasant afternoon together for whom the discussion is a worthy end in itself. 

     The likeliest spokesperson for France himself is, of course, none of these believers in religion or systematized philosophy.  He doubtless shares some of the attitudes of Cotta, the urbane Roman host to whom the civilized social order is the chief good, for whom the central role of religion is to define and reinforce a sense of community.  To him “il y a en tout dieu quelque chose de divin” (“every god has something divine in him”).  Yet the nation is what is important.  La patrie doit être mise au-dessus de tout, et même des dieux, car elle les contient tous” (“fatherland must come first, even before the gods, for it contains them”).  His faith in stability and happiness rests on the strength of the imperial navy and army and the prosperity of the economy.  Open-minded about religion, he is no more dogmatic about politics.  Cotta says that he had in his youth sympathized with the Republic, but that he has come to believe that only a strong government can assure its citizens a peaceful and productive life.

     While Cotta is represented as a sensible man, the reader never doubts that the author’s heart is with Nicias.  Should this character be based on a historical figure, it would likely be Nicias of Miletus, a poet associated with Theocritus some of whose epigrams are extant.  It may be, too, that the character owes something to Nicias of Kos whom Cicero recalls as a witty raconteur who served an excellent mushroom dish at a dinner party.

     Possessing Cotta’s capacious broadmindedness while lacking his obtrusive patriotism, Nicias is the very soul of geniality.  When he speaks of the divine, it is often in a light and teasing manner, as though he and the gods are on familiar terms, such as his joking that if god loves, that is an imperfection or the more metaphysical claim that god is in “disgrace” due to the fact that “l'infini ressemble parfaitement au néant” (“the infinite is indistinguishable from nothingness”).

     He is perfectly at ease with the fact that “nous ne savons rien” (“we know nothing whatever”) we are unable even to distinguish between being and not being.  He approaches Gorgias in  his skepticism, declaring that, in  addition to the lack of any certain knowledge, “il est impossible aux hommes de s'entendre” (“people cannot [fully] understand each other”).

     For him, however, there is one element of life that evades Nicias’ otherwise universal Skeptic’s ἐποχή: eros.  The entire company enjoys the beauty of Philina and Drosea (whose looks are their only function in  the novel), and they all salute Thais with cries like “—Salut à la bien-aimée des dieux et des hommes!” (“Hail to the one beloved of both men and gods!”), but it is Nicias who cautions Paphnutius against offending love. 

     In fact Nicias is untroubled by the fact that we are unable even to distinguish being and not being.   Furthermore, “il est impossible aux hommes de s'entendre” (“people cannot ever [fully] understand each other”).  His equipoise in the face of the loss of any foundation for thought proves the success of his strategy of simply not caring about what he cannot change and passing his time in life in the most civilized and pleasant manner.  The company enjoys the beauty of Philina and Drosea (whose looks are their only function in the novel), they all salute Thais with cries like “—Salut à la bien-aimée des dieux et des hommes!” (“Hail to the one beloved of both men and gods!”), but it is Nicias who cautions Paphnutius against offending love. 

Je t'avais bien averti, mon frère, que Vénus était puissante. C'est elle dont la douce violence t'a amené ici malgré toi. Écoute, tu es un homme rempli de piété; mais, si tu ne reconnais pas qu'elle est la mère des dieux, ta ruine est certaine.

I have warned you, my friend that Venus is powerful.  It is she who has brought you here with gentle violence in spite of yourself.  Listen, you are a man full of piety, but, if you don’t recognize her as the mother of the gods, your ruin is certain. 

      When Cotta suggests that the tower on which Paphnutius sits is phallic, it is at once a nice turn of wit and a hint that Nicias’ respect for the goddess of love is shared by many like minds as well as suggesting the influence of Freud.  The centrality of sexual desire as the dynamo of human motivation is precisely what Paphnutius denies yet which entraps him in the end.  The anchorite with high ambitions and reputation turns out to be that most despised of moralists, the hypocrite, and the most dangerous of hypocrites: one who deceives himself as well.

     If philosophy is the pursuit of the good life, ideas must be judged by the lived experience of their advocates.  For France, the wisest people have no occult wisdom; they undergo no dramatic enlightenment.   For the most part they simply practice good will and enjoy each other’s company despite differences in creed and lifestyle.  They accept their human nature, looking with admiration on the opposite sex, dining together and conversing to further their intimacy while feeding their bodies.  Among this group are some, the wiser sort, it seems, who have less need of myth and ritual while remaining moral and philosophical.  For France, who was a materialist, the rational course is to recognize the prerogatives of the body with its desires for sex and food and the mind with its need for social interaction.  Rather than rejecting one’s natural qualities, France, like his Nicias, seeks to indulge all passions, but in a civilized manner unlikely to bring the ill consequences of dissipation.  While Paphnutius will seem misguided to all, and he is certainly unhappy in his fate, the self-abnegating life Thais chooses will also find few imitators.  The ascetic voluptuaries lose out to the practitioners of the Delphic slogan μηδὲν άγαν “nothing in excess.”  Most readers are likely to feel in concert with Anatole France that there could scarcely be a better way to spend an afternoon than at a banquet such as Cotta offers, enjoying visual, verbal, and gustatory pleasures as the sun descends toward dusk. 


Socialist Parties of the United States

 

     In spite of the obvious advantages of a popular front against exploitation the left has always been a fractious place.  What some participants and historians might see as the struggle to develop a correct “line” that will most effectively advance the people’s cause will seem to others internecine infighting. At times, activists were perhaps influenced by the temptation to defeat one’s comrades when capitalism seemed too big a bully to challenge.  Nonetheless, the history of American revolutionary groups is a rich one, full of heroism and critical to the reforms that have made our economic system more livable for more people over the last hundred and fifty years.  This survey is meant to pay tribute to the generations of activists who have moved the country forward, and socialists have been at the forefront of nearly every campaign for social progress from abolitionism, women’s suffrage, and labor rights, but it may also remind progressives of the energy lost to factionalism.

     I have sought to include in this list all parties explicitly calling for revolutionary change while excluding reformist or mixed groups like the Progressive Parties associated with Robert LaFollette and with Henry Wallace, or the Working Families or New York Liberal Party.  I have concentrated on groups that meant to initiate a mass electoral movement, however limited their success.  The Industrial Workers of the World is included due to its outsize role in American history though it was a union and not a political party.

     Though my arrangement is primarily chronological, some broad general groupings exist.  The early groups contributed to the formation of the Socialist Party which has been the top socialist vote-getter by far, having achieved totals little short of a million in 1912 and 1920 with Debs as candidate and in 1932 with Norman Thomas at the head of the ticket.  The formation of what came to be called the Old Left was inspired by the Bolshevik victory in Russia and the formation of the Comintern.  Though the Communist Party was America’s most organized and active left-wing group, its members were obliged to adopt the Soviet line and to suppress internal discussion.  Later, with the arrival of the New Left in the ‘sixties, others imitated the Maoist program while some sought to follow models from Cuba or Vietnam.   Since the collapse of the mass movements for civil rights and against the Vietnam War, many groups of the New Communist Movement, none very large, argued over correct policy while many other leftists worked in single-issue groups.

     The overwhelming positive implication of this simple listing is the evidence it provides of a grand tradition of workers, both native-born and immigrant, continuously agitating for a better society, thus illuminating a history often ignored.  It suggests as well several negative factors that have contributed to the relative weakness of socialist ideas in the American political forum. 

     First is factionalism itself.  Apart from dividing workers and thus diluting their interests, this tends to encourage the suppression of open discussion essential for a vigorous movement.  In politics, as in science and other arenas, the enforcement of orthodoxy deaden progress.  There can be no certainty that a given analysis or strategy is effective; a healthy organization will be always ready to consider opposing conclusions from the facts and to take new information into account.  For political purposes numbers are far more useful than a theoretically perfect program.

     The development of antidemocratic tendencies was further encouraged by the emulation of foreign regimes whether Soviet, Chinese, or Third World.  Just as the people’s victory in Russia was largekly subverted by the Leninist idea of a dictatorship euphemistically labeled “democratic centralism” and Stalin’s dictatorship.  Communist parties were until recent times intolerant of internal discussion.  The unfortunate effects of Americans “tailing” after other regimes rather than seeking appropriate American solutions include agitation against comrades such as Trotskyites and the artificial linking of the priorities of socialists in the United States with the practices in countries abroad with claims to be socialist.

     The hard fact is that the most disciplined parties, typified by the Communists of the ‘thirties, have been the most effective.   The same pattern emerged again in the ‘sixties as activists from Socialist Workers and Progressive Labor in gained outsize influence in contrast to the more casually organized members of SDS.  An openness to the free discussion of new ideas seems contrary to the unanimity useful for collective action.   This dialectic is evident today on the right wing as the Trumpite fascists have proven far more successful than the more reasonable traditional Republicans.

     Most Americans have a shallow involvement in politics and, unfortunately, little grasp of their own interests.  They have often been distracted and misled by racism, sexism, and xenophobia, but some in every generation have recognized that socialism offers the solution of social and economic problems.  The following list is a reminder of this ongoing struggle.  I am sure it is far from complete.

 

 

1876 The Socialist Labor Party (originally the Workingmen's Party of the United States) was the first socialist party in the United States.  Some elements broke to help form the Socialist Party.  

1898 the Social Democratic Party of America was founded which merged into the Socialist Party in 1901.

1901 the Socialist Party organized including elements of the Socialist Labor Party.  In 1971 the party changed its name to Social Democrats, USA which split in 1973 into two factions, the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the Socialist Party USA.

1905 Industrial Workers of the World as a union did not run candidates but included people from the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party.

1919 Communist Party of the USA from a split in the Socialist Party.  Another splinter, the Communist Labor Party of America merged with the CPUSA in 1921.

1928 Communist League of America formed by Trotskyites after their expulsion from the CPUSA which in 1934 joined with the American Workers Party to establish the Workers Party of the United States which lasted until 1936 when its members joined the Socialist Party.

1934 Workers Party of the United States formed by the merger of the Trotskyist Communist League of America and A. J. Muste's American Workers Party.

1935 the Revolutionary Workers League split from the Workers Party of the United States, disbanded in 1946

1936 American Labor Party formed by members of the Socialist Party.

1937 Socialist Workers Party of Trotskyites expelled from the Socialist Party.

1938 the Leninist League broke from Trotsky and the Socialist Workers Party, In 1946 it was renamed the Workers League for a Revolutionary Party.

1959 Workers World Party split from SWP.

1962 Progressive Labor Movement formed by Maoists within the CPUSA renamed Progressive Labor Party in 1965.

1964 Spartacist League split from the Socialist Workers.

1966 Black Panther Party disbanded in 1982.

1966 Freedom Socialist Party feminist split from Socialist Workers, spawned the Radical Women activist group.

1967 Marxist-Leninist Party (USA), dissolved in 1973.

1967 Peace and Freedom Party.

1967 Youth International Party formed by hip radicals

1968 Young Lords, a Chicago gang, reformed as a political group.

1968 Young Patriots formed by white Southerners in Chicago along the model of the Black Panthers.

1968 White Panthers formed by hip white radicals along the model of the Black Panthers.

1970 Gray Panthers, old persons group along the model of the Black Panthers.

1971 People’s Party, a national grouping including the Peace and Freedom Party that functioned only in the 1972 election, reformed in 2017 by supporters of Bernie Sanders

1971 New American Movement, formed by SDS members, merged with DSOC in 1983 to establish the Democratic Socialists of America

1971 Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) was formed from the October League (Marxist–Leninist), many of whose members had been SDS activists who followed a Maoist line.

1972 The African People's Socialist Party.

1973 Communist Workers' Party split from Progressive Labor, dissolved to join New Democratic Movement in 1985.

1975 Revolutionary Communist Party (originally the Revolutionary Union)  split from Progressive Labor.

1986 Labor Militant founded by Trotskyites, changed to Socialist Alternative (United States) in 1998.

1990 Green Party evolved from environmentally concerned Committees of Correspondence

1995 Socialist Equality Party (United States) formed by the Workers League, the US supporters of the ICFI. The Workers League had been founded in 1966 by the American Committee for the Fourth International (ACFI), which emerged out of a split with the Socialist Workers Party

2004 Party for Socialism and Liberation, split from Workers World

Death's Beauty in Tyrtaios

 

     Most twenty-first century readers remain belated Romantics, valuing individuality and self-expression in lyric poetry while depreciating received ideas.   Yet every work of art (like every utterance) contains elements adopted from the group as well as those peculiar to the maker.   This mixture may be unbalanced however, with some works primarily reproducing what everyone believes and others that open space for change by expressing doubt or deviance.  The former sort is dominant in oral and popular literature since the belief system is transmitted through stories, poems, and myths, enabling the reproduction of culture over generations, though the dissenting view of the latter is always present in embryo, enabling evolution and development over time. 

    The traditional distinction between monodic and choral poetry in ancient Greek lyric, though still in dispute, reflects that contrast.  Sappho and Archilochus, considered to write from an individual point of view, both cast doubt on the glories of combat, while, as a civic composer of choral song, Tyrtaios expresses patriotism and duty in a form\ familiar from nearly all times and places, most certainly including our own..  

     Tyrtaios begins with the beauty of the individual when he acts on behalf of the collective, his fate in battle unsettled but his role unclouded and admirable, contrasted with the poverty-stricken, alienated, and contemptible life of the cowardly exile.  Cheer-leading for the troops, he concludes with a call to hold steady on the front lines of battle.

     A similar sentiment appears in Book XXII of the Iliad when Priam attempts to dissuade Hector from fighting Achilles.  His appeal is to pathos.  As Hekuba cries in the background, he gives in to self-pity and raises the image of his own miserable death, eaten by dogs.  His sentiment is unworthy of a warrior; the scene recalls Book VI when Andromache tries to dissuade her husband from combat.  Yet this statement is in character, expressing not only father's love, but also the view of an old man whose years have brought him, not wisdom, but a fear unseemly in the young.  While the Iliad is encyclopedic, offering these moments among many other perspectives on war, Tyrtaios’ song is single-minded.  There is no tension, no contradiction. He delivers the social consensus: because war is noble, it is perforce beautiful. 

     Love and death, the two most elemental motivators for our species (and, indeed, all others) are mingled with a variety of meanings from the Wagnerian Liebestod to Poe’s notion that the death of a beautiful woman is “the most poetical topic in the world.”  Here the link is military and patriotic, with much in common with orations in a veteran’s cemetery today in spite of Tyrtaios’ air of Greek homoeroticism.

 

 

 

 

How fair to fall when fighting for one’s home!

A good man takes a stand In foremost ranks

whereas to leave the rich fields of one’s home

and set off begging is the worst of fates,

to wander with dear mother and old dad                      5

with little children and a wedded wife!

An exile is despised by all he meets –

he comes to them with only hateful want.

disgracing then his house and noble self.

Then every shame will follow after that.                       10

If no respect will go to vagrant men

and no esteem, no favor, and no care,

then let us fight with heart for land and blood

and let us die with no thought for our lives.

You youth must hold your ranks till death                   15

avoiding shameful flight and fear of death.

Make great and bold the will within your heart.

To fight the foe you must not love your life.

The older men, with legs no longer lithe,

must not run off and leave the fallen youth.               20

An older man should never fall and lie

among the youth who fight in vanguard ranks

with his white hair and venerable beard,

exhaling his brave soul into the dirt,

his hands might hold his bloody loins – a shame        25

to lookers-on, a frightful sight to see,

his body naked.  With a young man all is seemly

while he holds still the charm of blooming youth,

for men a wondrous sight, to women fair,

alive and fair too fallen in the front.                           30

So each must stand his ground both feet firm in place

Set upon earth biting his lip with his teeth.

 

 

τεθνάμεναι γὰρ καλὸν ἐνὶ προμάχοισι πεσόντα

ἄνδρ᾽ ἀγαθὸν περὶ ᾗ πατρίδι μαρνάμενον.

τὴν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ προλιπόντα πόλιν καὶ πίονας ἀγροὺς

πτωχεύειν πάντων ἔστ᾽ ἀνιηρότατον,

πλαζόμενον σὺν μητρὶ φίλῃ καὶ πατρὶ γέροντι             5

παισί τε σὺν μικροῖς κουριδίῃ τ᾽ ἀλόχῳ.

ἐχθρὸς μὲν γὰρ τοῖσι μετέσσεται, οὕς κεν ἵκηται

χρησμοσύνῃ τ᾽ εἴκων καὶ στυγερῇ πενίῃ,

αἰσχύνει τε γένος, κατὰ δ᾽ ἀγλαὸν εἶδος ἐλέγχει,

πᾶσα δ᾽ ἀτιμίη καὶ κακότης ἕπεται.                             10

εἰ δέ τοι οὕτως ἀνδρὸς ἀλωμένου οὐδεμἴ ὤρη

γίγνεται οὔτ᾽ αἰδὼς οὔτ᾽ ὄπις οὔτ᾽ ἔλεος,

θυμῷ γῆς περὶ τῆσδε μαχώμεθα καὶ περὶ παίδων

θνῄσκωμεν ψυχέων μηκέτι φειδόμενοι.

ὦ νέοι, ἀλλὰ μάχεσθε παρ᾽ ἀλλήλοισι μένοντες,     15

μηδὲ φυγῆς αἰσχρᾶς ἄρχετε μηδὲ φόβου,

ἀλλὰ μέγαν ποιεῖσθε καὶ ἄλκιμον ἐν φρεσὶ θυμόν,

μηδὲ φιλοψυχεῖτ᾽ ἀνδράσι μαρνάμενοι:

τοὺς δὲ παλαιοτέρους, ὧν οὐκέτι γούνατ᾽ ἐλαφρά,

μὴ καταλείποντες φεύγετε γηπετέας:                        20

αἰσχρὸν γὰρ δὴ τοῦτο, μετὰ προμάχοισι πεσόντα

κεῖσθαι πρόσθε νέων ἄνδρα παλαιότερον,

ἤδη λευκὸν ἔχοντα κάρη πολιόν τε γένειον,

θυμὸν ἀποπνείοντ᾽ ἄλκιμον ἐν κονίῃ,

αἱματόεντ᾽ αἰδοῖα φίλαις ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντα -- αἰσχρὰ 25

τά γ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ νεμεσητὸν ἰδεῖν -- καὶ

χρόα γυμνωθέντα: νέῳ δέ τε πάντ᾽ ἐπέοικεν

ὄφρ᾽ ἐρατῆς ἥβης ἀγλαὸν ἄνθος ἔχῃ:

ἀνδράσι μὲν θηητὸς ἰδεῖν, ἐρατὸς δὲ γυναιξίν,

ζωὸς ἐών, καλὸς δ᾽ ἐν προμάχοισι πεσών.                30

ἀλλά τις εὖ διαβὰς μενέτω ποσὶν ἀμφοτέροισιν

στηριχθεὶς ἐπὶ γῆς, χεῖλος ὀδοῦσι δακών.