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Showing posts with label Mailer. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mailer. Show all posts

Sunday, March 1, 2026

Remarque’s World War I

 



     Like certain other novels, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, for instance, Erich Martia Remarque’s All Quiet in the Western Front attracts the interest of people interested in history rather than in literature.  Though its author saw only about six weeks of service in WWI before he was invalided out, he must have kept a detailed journal.  Like Mauldin’s Willie and Joe cartoons during WWII and Mailer’s The Naked and the Dead a few years later [1], his emphasis is on the physical demands on the infantrymen.  His writing style is undistinguished and the narrative reads like straightforward reportage with very little rhetorical elaboration, but that is precisely the point.  This is testimony more than art and the voice, that of Paul Bäumer, an average infantryman, neither a poet nor an aesthete, seems utterly convincing.  The nationalism that inspired his enlistment vanishes in combat, leaving him with overwhelming exhaustion and alienation.

     The experience of trench warfare is such strong stuff that figures of speech would only be distracting.  Ideology is equally irrelevant.  The book contains no recognition of the issues that led to conflict, no praise of the Kaiser, no propaganda against the French or English [2].  The intensity of life on the front lines obliged combatants on both sides to pause their patriotism and look directly at the dreadful face of war.  Without partisanship, with only the most basic, almost instinctive, humanism, the book found readers in many countries and was translated into twenty-two languages within eighteen months of its original German edition. 

     All Quiet in the Western Front also inspired cinematic adaptations, notably Lewis Milestone’s Academy Award-winning 1930 version [3].  During this era, anti=war sentiments were sufficiently widespread to make box office.  Les Croix de bois, a film of a book by French veteran Roland Dorgelès directed by Raymond Bernard was released in 1932.  Other soldiers’ memoirs, such as Henri Barbusse’s Under Fire (1916), Siegfried Sassoon’s The Complete Memoirs of George Sherston (1928), and Robert Graves’ Goodbye to All That (1929), impressed many with the sordid horror of modern war.

      Both film and book of All Quiet on the Western Front were in accord with the Zeitgeist.  With the use of trench warfare, aerial bombardment, poison gas, and other innovations, the old codes of gallantry and valor became untenable to many.  The Great War, called by H. G. Wells “the war that will end war” proved so horrific that many vowed never to fight again.  The League of Nations was founded, albeit without American participation (despite Wilson’s role in its design for which he won a Nobel Peace Prize) and in 1928 the US signed the Kellogg-Briand Pact whose signatories promised to forgo armed conflict altogether.  Upper-class British youth endorsed to Oxford Pledge “never to fight for King or Country” and many thousands of their working-class brothers joined them.  American students in an effort organized by the Student League for Industrial Democracy and the National Student League organized a walkout to promote their version of the oath in which twenty-five thousand students participated.  Of course, with the threat of fascism and the outbreak of WWII the Kellogg-Briand Pact meant nothing and virtually all the British and American pacificists joined the war effort. 

     Milestone’s film version, over two hours long, was startling in its realism.  Milestone proved a significant director, making such memorable films as The Front Page, Rain, Mutiny on the Bounty, yet he was the ideal studio contract director, capable of every genre and without a distracting distinctive style of his own.  Remnants of early cinematic experimentation are evident in some sequences such as the early montage of the students’ faces, crazy with military enthusiasm, and the final lyrical image of Paul reaching for a butterfly (an image absent from the book) but for the most part the direction is unobtrusive, allowing the terrible mayhem of battle to register with full force on the viewer [4].

     The apolitical pacifism of the novel survives into the movie, notably when the weary trench fighters wonder about the origin  of such a monstrous thing as war and to conclude that the leaders of the belligerent nations should slug it out in  a battle royal to decide the victor rather than subjecting millions of recruits who have no motive and no desire to fight to senseless violence.      

     Their suffering was so prolonged and intense that many were permanently damaged, diagnosed with shell shock (or, in less serious cases, “effort syndrome” or “soldier’s heart”), a disability little recognized in previous conflicts.  Though his hero and Paul’s fellow students with whom he enlisted did not survive the war, Remarque’s prefatory note suggests that his primary aim was to account for the devastating psychic toll of combat on survivors.

 

This book is to be neither an accusation nor a confession, and least of all an adventure, for death is not an adventure to those who stand face to face with it. It will try simply to tell of a generation of men who, even though they may have escaped its shells, were destroyed by the war.

 

     After suffering life on the front lines, Paul feels alienated from his home town, distanced even from his mother who cannot understand what he has endured (his father is even more  oblivious).  Mental stability upon entering war is no protection against serious breakdowns resulting from combat.  In the U.K. over a hundred and  fifty thousand WWI soldiers eventually received psychological disability pensions.  The film, however, makes it clear that another cohort of young men is prepared to ignore his witness and to continue to parrot the old lie, familiar to students from Horace, that it is “sweet and comely” to die for one’s country [5]. 

     Remarque’s novel rang true not only to his comrades-in-arms who had similarly suffered on both sides, but to their families and friends.  The futility of war was particularly obvious in the case of WWI, the origin of which was often explained as a combination of “entangling alliances,” imperialist rivalries, and the profit motives of munition makers, causes unlikely to appeal to the ordinary citizen [6].  As compelling as pacifist arguments may be, humanity has never been without war.  Once WWI had been declared the socialist parties of Europe supported their governments in spite of the obvious negative effects on workers, while in the United State Eugene Debs was jailed for voicing his opposition [7].  The popularity of Remarque’s novel and the film adaptation indicates that his representation of the voice of an average infantryman resonated with others, and the damage to fighters his book detailed was recognizable to many, both veterans and non-veterans.  With our experience in Vietnam the same social harm is now only too familiar to Americans, yet there can be no doubt that our governments will precipitate the same disastrous suffering again and again in the future.  The thought of the harrowing accounts of veterans yet to serve, yet to suffer, yet to be damaged is disturbing, yet without the testimony of ordinary front-line combatants like Remarque the lies of governments would go unchallenged. 

 

 

 

 

 1.  Mailer, like Remarque, told compelling stories about the soldiers’ suffering, though neither had as much combat experience as many of their comrades.

2.  Andrew Sarris had it right when he said that Milestone “is almost the classic example of the uncommitted director.”

3.  A sequel to the film, The Road Back (1937), was directed by the maker of Frankenstein, James Whale.  This in turn influenced Howard Hawks’ The Road to Glory (1936).  During WWII Milestone made pro-war films such as The Edge of Darkness (1943) and North Star (1943), the latter written by Lillian Hellman with music by Aaron Copland, lyrics by Ira Gershwin, and cinematography by James Wong Howe.)

4.  Milestone, an immigrant from Bessarabia, now Moldova, born Leib Milstein, shed the avant-garde techniques of early Soviet cinematography more rapidly than his fellow director Rouben Mamoulian, who had been born in Georgia. 

5.  The same passage, of course, which Wilfred Owen used in titling his unforgettable “Dulce et Decorum Est.”

6.  WWII, of course, had a more compelling case to make with the need to contain exceedingly brutal German and Japanese expansionism.

7.  In the 1920 presidential election, while still imprisoned, Eugene Debs received close to a million votes, the highest total yet achieved by any American socialist candidate.

Saturday, February 1, 2025

Hip Aesthetics

 

     During the twentieth century, several forms of ironic reception of art gained widespread popularity.  Though far from novel, they benefited from the erosion of generally accepted standards of beauty and the exile of many artworks to subcultures or elite audiences.  “Kitsch”  and “camp” have been widely studied [1], while another approach, of arguably equal importance – the hip – has been neglected.  Each involved adopting, temporarily at least, often as much for the fun of it as to reveal unsuspected value, a taste either not one’s own or, at any rate, comically exaggerated.  For kitsch is fundamentally the appreciation of the extremely vulgar products of mass culture, while for camp it is a caricature of a flamboyant gay style.  The hip celebrates a spirited counter-cultural reaction, often the contrary of social norms. 

     The category is used both for artworks and for lived experience bordering on art.  For instance Blake was hip to find Satan the hero of Paradise Lost as was Abbie Hoffman in honoring George Metesky, the “mad bomber.”  Each reaction is an ironic reversal of what might be expected.  People ordinarily seek fame; it was hip of Ted Joans to avoid it.  People seek affluence; to live self-sufficiently was a hip choice by Scott Nearing.  Critics think highly of literary craftsmanship, so Kerouac liked to give the impression that he wrote with a wholly “spontaneous bop prosody.”   

     The spirit of hip is counter-cultural, but the adversarial aspect of the concept is relatively recent.  The  deepest roots are in the notion that poets bring news from a divine realm, either the gods or an extraordinary imagination.  This concept is ancient [2], but in earlier eras the artist had been largely normative rather than challenging social norms.  With the Romantic movement of the end of the eighteenth century, however, and the celebration of the individual genius some in the arts assumed a more contrary posture.  The old patrons – the nobility and the church – lost importance, displaced by middle class consumers as the economic base of much aesthetic production.  With these changes came the avant-garde and contempt for the philistine: “il faut épater le bourgeois” [3].  Some artists since have particularly aimed at provocation, particularly in movements like Dada, Surrealism, and Situationism. 

     The etymology of the term hip is a vexed question.  Over fifty years ago David Dalby suggested that it was derived from the Wolof hipi (or xipi) meaning “with open eyes” [4].  Numerous other alternatives have been suggested including earlier slang derived from hypochondriac, people with the surname Hepp, the wearing of hipboots, associations with hip-flask or with the posture of opium smoking, but a definitive answer remains elusive.  Dalby’s idea has at least the virtue of reinforcing the primary semantic import of the term.

     Whatever the ultimate origin of the word, the current usage has always suggested superior knowledge.  That is the meaning in the word’s first written appearance as slang, a definition in the “Modern Slang Glossary” published in the Cincinnati Enquirer [5] in which “hept” is defined as “to get wise or next.”  The following year Tad Dorgan used the word for several names in a cartoon and it appeared as well in George V. Hobart’s 1904 novel Jim Hickey: A Story of One-Night Stands in which an African American character says, “Say Danny, at this rate it’ll take about 629 shows to get us to Jersey City, are you hip?”  By the ‘thirties, the term was widely used among Blacks, particularly among musicians, and appeared in Cab Calloway’s Hepster’s Dictionary with the definition “a guy who knows all the answers, understands jive.”  The expression was adopted as well as among white people who valued Black culture.  In his Autobiography Malcolm X describes the importance of jive talk in establishing hip credentials in Harlem as well as the appearance of whites who affected it in seeking to be more “Negro than the Negroes” [6]

     Among these white hipsters were musicians and drug-takers, some of whom, like Mezz Mezzrow, had lifelong contact with African-American culture.  Others were further toward the fringes, fans of jazz or marijuana, including artists and intellectuals, some of whom, like Kenneth Rexroth and Norman Mailer, contributed to a theory of hipness during the ‘fifties.

     Kenneth Rexroth, the poet, critic, and translator whose character is described in Dharma Bums as the “father of the Frisco poetry scene,” the organizer the historic Six Gallery reading, cites Lipton and emphasizes even in the title of his essay “Disengagement: the Art of the Beat Generation” [7] the “disaffiliation, alienation, and rejection of the young.”  The movement is thus for him less a protest than a simple opting out.  While condemning “the utter nihilism of the emptied-out hipster,” he asserts that “It is impossible for an artist to remain true to himself as a man, let alone an artist, and work within the context of this society.”  Neither Howl nor On the Road had yet been published; Rexroth’s examples of hip artists are Charlie Parker and Dylan Thomas. 

     Norman Mailer’s essay “The White Negro” [8] proved even more influential.  He, too, stresses the hip person’s disaffection: “one is a rebel or one conforms,” “one is Hip or one is Square,” but he is more willing than the scholarly Rexroth to admit the petty criminal or addict under the title of “the American existentialist, the hipster,” a spiritual adventurer who explores “uncharted journey into the rebellious imperatives of the self.”  Though the more edgy, even sinister, aspects of hip culture faded, late 1950s pop culture figures like Del Close’s Geets Romo (on How to Speak Hip) and Jules Feiffer’s Huey, foil for the nebbishy Bernard in The Explainers (1960), remind us to what an extent the inarticulate, perhaps dangerous, youth played in the hip identity during the 1950s.  The same decade that saw the popularization of the Beats was fascinated as well by juvenile delinquency. 

     Some critics in the literary world offered as skewed a view as comedy albums and comic strips.  Norman Podhoretz wrote one of the fiercest denunciations of the Beat writers [9], associating them with youth crime (“young savages in leather jackets”).  Their work “can easily spill over into brutality” since for them ”kicking someone in the teeth or sticking a knife between his ribs are deeds to be admired.”  For him they are “hostile to civilization” and indeed “against intelligence itself.”  Suffering from “a pathetic poverty of feeling” the hip writers are “the spiritually underprivileged and the crippled of soul – young men who can’t think straight and thus hate everyone who can.”  Though Podhoretz’ is one of the most extreme attacks, it is typical of the reception of the Beats among a good many critics and doubtless characterizes their image in the public as a whole.  

     Familiarity with hip artists became all but unavoidable for as the principal American periodicals Time and Life featured that curiosity, the beatnik (a derisive term first seen in print in Herb Caen’s newspaper column [10]).  In September of 1959 Life magazine printed a photo essay comparing the lifestyle of West Coast artists with that of small-town Kansas residents, giving every American a glimpse of an alternative.  Yet, apart from the misrepresentations of popular culture [11] the question of hip identity, was far from settled among the artists, most of whom were not critics, let alone theoreticians.

     The idea of disaffection, of “dropping out,” is widely shared, but the disaffection of the hip is neither random nor utterly nihilistic.  The positive values of the hip aesthetic are nearly all descended from those of the Romantics.  The most convenient demonstration of this lineage is perhaps Norman Mailer’s list of things which are hip and contrasting things which are square which he calls “a primitive foray into the more formal aspects of Hip” before noting “to my knowledge, no one yet has attempted this terrain.” [12].  In the simplest terms he labels spontaneous as hip, while orderly is square; wild is hip and practical square; instinct is hip and logic square; midnight hip, noon square (des Esseintes would have agreed).  In a social context Negro is hip, white is square; crooks are hip, while cops, naturally, are square.  Catholic is hip, presumably because of the ritual and magic, while Protestantism  is square (though perhaps Mailer would have made an exception for Black Pentecostals).  All this would have made a good deal of sense to Lord Byron.

     Some of Mailer’s opposed pairs are more imaginative, and take the reader a moment to understand.  Schrödinger’s model of the atom is hip, and Bohr’s is square, because the former takes quantum uncertainty into account.  Perverse is hip, pious square.  Some might remain somewhat obscure: physiology is hip and anatomy square (because it does not analyze process?)  the T-formation is hip, the single wing square.  He finds Nixon hip compared to John Foster Dulles, presumably because Nixon was such a fabulating hustler.  Apart from  Mailer’s turns of wit, the general pattern is clear.  Mailer privileges the intuitive, the physical, the irrational.

     Several significant elements of the hip semantic field must be added.  Among the probably erroneous etymologies for hip is one that offers an explanation for the word in the posture of users in  opium dens, reclining on one hip, while a competing explanation would have it suggest the hip flask in which one might carry liquor.  While neither seems likely as a source for the word, both assume an association between hip and mind-altering substances.  The connection, not necessarily essential, arises from three circumstances: the advocacy of pleasure-seeking implied by hip values, the ostracism from  the broader society and inclusion in a subculture that accompanies the use of illegal drugs, and the potential some such substances hold for mystical insight.  Thus Howl speaks of “angelheaded hipsters burning for the ancient heavenly connection to the starry dynamo in the machinery of night,” Kerouac begins a letter ““Dig this, PEOTL EATERS OF THE HIP GENERATION,” [13] and Tower of Power’s 1973 song “What is hip?” answers “smokin’ only the best weed.”  The historical partiality of white Bohemians as well as African-Americans in  general and musicians in  particular to the use of illegal drugs strengthens the association.

     Advocates of psychedelics will prefer to call such substances entheogenic (meaning “becoming god-filled”) and point to the world-wide use of psychoactive drugs in spiritual practice from the ancient Hindu soma to the contemporary vogue for ayahuasca [14].  This element in  the meaning of hip returns to the first: to be in the know, in this case enlightened.  This grand ambition is evident in Kerouac’s description of On the Road as “an imaginative survey of a new American generation known as the ‘Hip’ (The Knowing) . . .  This new generation has a conviction that it alone has known everything or been ‘hip’ in the history of the world” [15].  Mailer had sought his “ancient heavenly connection” in existentialism, Ginsberg, Kerouac, Snyder, and Whalen in Buddhism, Richard Alpert and the Beatles in varieties of Hinduism, William Everson and Dorothy Day in a radical Christianity, but all pursued paths to spiritual liberation.

     Ironically the idea of hip may diverge from kitsch and camp in that, for all its associations with being au courant with the latest trends, hip is in substantial ways profoundly traditional.  For the sake of divertissement both kitsch and camp defend the ugly and the overdone; whereas hip aims directly at the truth, psychological, social, and cosmic, just as art has always done.  At the same time, hip values the experiential: pleasure and the aesthetic, the irrational and the mysterious, the ambivalent and the self-contradictory, and in all these ways it is deeply human.  For the hip art is play as is all experience, though the drama takes place amid “the iron gates of life.”  For the hip there is always a certain élan, a delight in the game, a winking confidence in the face of mortality, a sense that we may still laugh even if the joke is on us.

 

 

1.  Most celebrated (and influential) is Susan Sontag’s essay “Notes on Camp,” which itself cited Isherwood’s explanation in The World in the Evening in which his character Charles defines the term: “You can't camp about something you don't take seriously. You're not making fun of it, you're making fun out of it. You're expressing what’s basically serious to you in terms of fun and artifice and elegance. Baroque art is basically camp about religion. The ballet is camp about love …”  For him Dostoyevsky, Mozart, and El Greco were camp, while Beethoven and Rembrandt were not.  Clement Greenberg in “Avant-Garde and Kitsch” and Thomas Kulka in Kitsch and Art provide more hostile views.  For a variety of critics, see the essays in Redefining Kitsch and Camp in Literature and Culture, edited by Justyna Stępień.

2.  See, for instance, my examination of Boccaccio’s views posted this month as “Boccaccio on Poetry.”

3.  Often attributed to Baudelaire though I have not located the line in his oeuvres.  The first use is also  attributed to Privat d'Anglemont (1820–59) in the form “Je les ai épatés, les bourgeois.”   Flaubert used “terrifie les bourgeois” in a letter and by 1879 the Goncourts use “épater le bourgeois.”

4.  The term hepicat is also Wolof, meaning “one with open eyes.”  Dalby’s idea seems to have first been published in, of all things, the London Times of July 19, 1969.  It was accepted by many subsequent writers, including J . L. Dillard’s Black English (1972), Clarence Major in his Juba to Jive: A Dictionary of African-American Slang, (1994), Joseph Holloway and Winifred Vass in The African Heritage of American English (1997).  The derivation is prominently featured in John Leland’s Hip: the History (2001).  Dissenters include Jesse Sheidlower in Slate (December 8, 2004) who used the term “crying Wolof” to indicate false African origins for Black American usage.

5.  May 9, 1903.  The puzzling “next” is perhaps a way of saying “to what will happen next.”  Dorgan had referred to “Joe Hip” and “Old Man Hip.”  Hep is usually considered to have preceded hip.  In 1947 Harry the Hipster recorded “It Ain’t Hep,” declaring that hep had become passé, superseded by hip. 

6.  The Autobiography of Malcom X, 105.  I recall a similarly disparaging usage among my hip friends in  college who called slightly younger aspirants to the scene “hippie,” equivalent to teenybopper,  well before the term came into popular usage.  This use is verified by the glossary of the 1959 comedy album How to Speak Hip, according to which a hipster is defined as "a fully paid-up member of Hip society", whereas a hippy is "a junior member of Hip society, who may know the words, but hasn't fully assimilated the proper attitude."

7.  First published in New World Writing 11 (1957), reprinted in Gene Feldman and Max Gartenberg’s The Beat Generation and the Angry Young Men (1958).  Rexroth reinforces the characterization of the hip as “disaffiliated” by Lawrence Lipton, doyen of the Venice Beach counter-culture.

8.  First published in Dissent (1957) and later reprinted as a pamphlet by City Lights and included in The Beat Generation  and the Angry Young Men.

9.  Norman Podhoretz, “The Know-nothing Bohemians,” Partisan Review XXV (1958).  Podhoretz was at least consistent in his reactionary activism.  In 1963 he published in Commentary "My Negro Problem—And Ours" in which he complained about his own feeling oppressed by African-Americans during his childhood, saying that Blacks "were doing the only persecuting I knew about - and doing it, moreover, to me," resulting in "the hatred I still feel for Negroes."  He later worked for the USIA, the Hudson Institute, and Rudy Giuliani. 

10.  See his column for April 2, 1958 in the San Francisco Chronicle.  Caen is also responsible for the equally annoying term hippie.  The September 21, 1959 issue of Life included a contrast of the lifestyles of West Coast hip artists with the people of small-town Hutchinson, Kansas.

11.  Maynard Krebs on the Dobie Gillis Show is one of the best-known, but even his image was subject to further devolution in the cartoon character of Shaggy Rogers on Scooby-Doo.

12. Mailer, Advertisements for Myself, p. 423.  The list, Mailer says, was originally notes for his “The White Negro” and the essay and list, he says, are “the intellectual core” of a proposed book.

13.  Letter to John Clellon Holmes, June 5, 1952 from Jack Kerouac, Selected Letters 1940-1956, edited by Ann Charters, p 368.

14.  See my essay “Drugs and Religion” on this site at https://williamseaton.blogspot.com/2016/06/drugs-and-religion.html.

15.  Jack Kerouac, Selected Letters 1940-1956, edited by Ann Charters, p. n224.

Wednesday, September 1, 2021

The Hipster’s Epigone

 

The essay is followed by the lyrics to Cab Calloway’s “Hep! Hep! The Jumping Jive” and “Are You Hep To The Jive?” 

  

1.  Apologia

     It was perhaps inevitable that an app has been developed that will locate for travelers the nearest “hipster” neighborhood.   A number of sites had already compiled travel guides toward the same end, taking into account an area’s median age and the availability of bike trails but primarily “the density of hipster-friendly businesses,” meaning such things as “coffee shops, craft breweries, record stores, organic markets.” [1]

     From the point of view of a septuagenarian one-time resident in the Haight-Ashbury, it seemed that a group hardly distinguishable from those unashamedly consumption-oriented squares called yuppies in the eighties, were, with the simple addition of a few days of stubbly beard (now tolerated in the office) and a taste for Ethiopian food, transformed into hip people.  Of course, this verbal shift parallels the replacement of the underground papers of the sixties in which the radical visual style matched the politics with consumer-oriented free (advertising-supported) weeklies that like to describe themselves as “alternative.” [2]

     Yet I feel I must rise in defense of the older meaning of the word, however useless such arrière-garde defenses, for, just as the introduction of a new word may signal formulation of a new meaning, loss of a definition is generally accompanied by the loss of the concept that underlies the word, and I lament the loss of the old hipster. 

 

2.  What’s hip?  Who’s a hipster?

      The words hip and hipster have conveyed a number of well-attested meanings over the years.  Apart from the basic anatomical signification of the body part and the fruit of the wild rose (from two different old Germanic roots), the word was used in the nineteenth century to mean, according to the OED “to affect with hypochondria, to render low-spirited.”  During Prohibition a hipster was one carrying a hip-flask and in the thirties a wild dancer (with lively movements of the hips).  Such usages have no part in the principal twentieth century definitions suggesting one in the know, an insider who can see what others cannot.

     The source of this meaning of hip is in fact unknown, though several unsatisfactory origins have been suggested.  Some have proposed that the word referred to the posture of opium smokers reclining on one hip.  In the 1960s many jumped to accept the attractive but apparently highly speculative etymology  of David Dalby that the term derived from the Wolof meaning “to open the eyes, to see clearly.”  [3] 

    Apparently the earliest written usage is in a story about “the great blizzard of 1899” in which a Washingtonian is quoted as saying, “And as soon as I get out I’m hep that the water’s froze. What do you think of that?” [4]  It appears then in a cartoon in 1902 and in novels in 1904 and 1914. [5]  By the late 1930s it had attained sufficient currency to be listed in slang dictionaries. [6] 

     Far more significant, though, in terms of disseminating the word widely was the popularity of two musicians, Cab Calloway and Harry “the Hipster” Gibson. In the late thirties Calloway was one of the most popular bandleaders in the country, well aware from the outset of the fascination that jive talk held for the general population. His “Minnie the Moocher,” a huge hit, was full of such slang. [7]  In 1938 he published a booklet titled Cab Calloway's Cat-ologue: A "Hepster's" Dictionary [8], which remained, until the publication of Mezz Mezzrow’s autobiography Really the Blues (1946) [9], the best guide to hip language.

     A great showman who practiced exaggerated mugging and wore attention-getting costumes, Calloway recognized the exotic appeal of Harlem slang.  Calloway’s 1939 song “Hep! Hep! The Jumping Jive” mixes nonsense syllables (including the graceful lyric line (“Palomar, shalomar, Swanee shore”) with a two-syllable refrain (“hep hep”) and a call to “dig your jive on the mellow side,” suggesting good times partying.

     The use of argot itself implies transgressive associations, most dramatically recreational drug use.  References to cocaine and opium and the artificial paradise of getting high fill “Minnie the Moocher” (though Calloway was careful to excise them from his dictionary).  Hip slang arose from the confluence of everyday Black culture, musicians’ shoptalk, and drug-users’ cant.  These three worlds overlapped in part, but they also shared an important characteristic.  Each sought through the codes of a subcultural patois to reinforce their identity with their own group and to exclude outsiders.  The assertion of membership as an insider, the possessor of valuable secrets inaccessible to others, is the essence of the concept of hip.

     Further popularization of the term occurred with the performances of a white musician, Harry “the Hipster” Gibson who would tell his audience, “Gather round, all you hipsters,” and soon embraced the name himself with the song “Handsome Harry The Hipster.” [10] While performing the most extreme facial mugging in American show business prior to Jim Carrey Gibson muted the drug references, saying of his persona only that “he digs those mellow kicks.”  [11]  Though Gibson was only briefly a nationally known performer – he did appear in the film Junior Prom in 1939, but his song "Who Put the Benzedrine in Mrs. Murphy's Ovaltine?" (1946), while enjoying a modest succès de scandale, also caused him to be banned from radio play.  While hip was reaching a wider audience beyond Blacks, dopers, and jazz musicians, it retained associations of counter-cultural, even criminal values. [12]

     In the nineteen-fifties America as a whole heard about hip through the popular magazines’ coverage of the Beat writers and, to a lesser extent, the jazz milieu.  The term was also debated on the margins of intellectual life, and controversy arose in the intellectual quarterlies.  Significantly, proponents and critics agreed to a large extent on the term’s meaning, differing only in the associated value judgment.        

     In Norman Mailer’s “The White Negro” [13]  Mailer described “the American existentialist—the hipster, the man who knows that if our collective condition is to live with instant death by atomic war, relatively quick death by the State as l’univers concentrationnaire, or with a slow death by conformity with every creative and rebellious instinct stifled (at what damage to the mind and the heart and the liver and the nerves no research foundation for cancer will discover in a hurry).”  Mailer begins his essay with a quotation from a popular journalist [14] who says that a hipster “is rarely an artist, almost never a writer. He may earn his living as a petty criminal, a hobo, a carnival roustabout or a free-lance moving man in Greenwich Village.”   In order to live more intensely, according to Mailer, “the hipster had absorbed the existentialist synapses of the Negro, and for practical purposes could be considered a white Negro.”  In his rewriting of DuBois’ double consciousness, he notes “the source of Hip is the Negro for he has been living on the margin between totalitarianism and democracy for two centuries.”  He seeks “to encourage the psychopath” in himself, a psychopathic personality that Mailer notes ominously, “may indeed be the perverted and dangerous front-runner of a new kind of personality.” 

     The most direct riposte to Mailer’s enthusiasm was Norman Podhoretz’s piece “The Know-Nothing Bohemians" [15] the title of which reveals at once the level of vituperation leveled against the Beats in the fifties. [16]   To Podhoretz, Kerouac and the Beats were totally nihilistic, sometimes verging on violence.  To him the hip are “spiritually underprivileged and the crippled of soul—young men who can't think straight and so hate anyone who can.”  Not only are they “anti-intellectual,” and “primitive,” with “an inability to express anything in words” and a “hostility to intelligence,” more shocking yet, they are “attracted to criminality” and Podhoretz conjures up reason to associate Kerouac with attacks on a homeless man and a nine-year-old.

     The view of the hipster as an inarticulate impulsive juvenile delinquent is evident in late 1950s popular culture.  Feiffer’s Huey character appeared first in Sick, Sick, Sick (1958) as a cool, jiving antithesis to the neurotic Bernard and Geets Romo, Del Close’s character in How to Speak Hip (1959) manifests his hipness in the difficulty of communicating with his square interlocutor.  Such a pose held a certain allure, even some commercial possibilities.  By the late fifties, tourists could be certain of spotting a genuine bohemian since Wally Hedrick [17] was hired by Vesuvio’s across the alley from City Lights to sit in the front window decked out in beard and beret daubing a canvas.  In New York In 1959, Fred McDarrah established the Rent-a-Beatnik service to provide colorful party guests, even Black ones including Ted Joans and Leroi Jones (Amiri Baraka). 

     The cooptation and dilution of the idea of the hipster advanced wholesale during the sixties.  “Hippie,” which had originally been a pejorative diminutive referring to younger aspirants to the scene. [18]  Though in fact the social scene in the Haight-Ashbury included all sorts of elements from the psychopathic through the petty criminal to the striving artist and the college student just passing through, their image was dominated by flowers, daisies, and soap bubbles.  The Summer of Love replaced the feral cunning of the fifties hipster with ingenuous naiveté.   

   The crowds clogging Haight Street and Telegraph Avenue might have been called heads or freaks but most often hippies resulting in a power vacuum about the semantic territory of the word hipster.  Meanwhile with the general social reversion to avarice as a career goal came the inappropriate nineties coinage eco-hipster, or green hipster.  The notion, if not the term, doubtless originated among marketing departments seeking a cachet among young consumers.  Closely related is the concept of bobos, or bourgeois bohemians, a term oxymoronic in both English and French. [19]  Whereas voluntary poverty had been widespread among earlier counter-cultures, this group indulged in conspicuous consumption so long as it called attention not only to one’s means but also to one’s taste.  Preserving the semantic element of a discerning insider, the word here applied to purchasing choices.  Though the “green” element of this newly defined group drew on the radical revolutionary allegiances associated with some earlier hipsters, this new grouping adopted a far more cautious political line, in particular never suggesting the fatal entanglement of capitalism with the impending ecological disaster. 

     An easy slide from such eco-hipsters to the contemporary usage of the bare term hipster occurred around the turn of the twenty-first century.  In the early months of 2000 several journalistic treatments of the gentrification of Williamsburg referred to the area’s popularity with “arty” types not using the term hipster, but the term’s application was soon clear with the publication in February of 2003 of The Hipster Handbook by Robert Lanham. [20].

     Today many dictionary definitions retain only trace elements of the earlier meanings. In Merriam Webster’s a hipster is still a bit of a rebel, “someone who rejects the established culture; advocates extreme liberalism in politics and lifestyle,” while for Merriam Webster that element has vanished: “a person who is unusually aware of and interested in new and unconventional patterns (as in jazz or fashion).”  Perhaps unsurprisingly, the most up-to-date definition appears in Wikipedia whose entry is quite clear.  “The 21st-century hipster is a subculture (sometimes called hipsterism) that is defined by claims to authenticity and uniqueness yet, ironically, is notably lacking in authenticity and conforms to a collective style.  The subculture embodies a particular ethic of consumption that seeks to commodify the idea of rebellion or counterculture.  Fashion is one of the major markers of hipster identity.  Members of the subculture typically do not self-identify as hipsters, and the word hipster is often used as a pejorative for someone who is pretentious or overly concerned with appearing trendy or fashionable in a non-mainstream way.” 

 

3.  My Hipster, Ma Bohème

      As language is always in the process of evolution, every individual in a lifetime will notice changes in usage and lexicology.  Naturally, then, every generation of elders is likely to consider some innovations improper.  There is a considerable history both of writers denouncing the degradation of language in their own day and of satire ridiculing old people clinging to outmoded usages.  Those with a taste for pedantry are particularly prone to such lexical conservatism.  A glorious example is H. W. Fowler’s impassioned and lengthy objection to the use of meticulous to mean closely attentive to detail on the basis of its derivation from Latin metus (“frightened”).  His demonstration that the current definition is not Classical is buttressed by the accusation that it arose first in France.   Of course, such reasoning, however sound it may be, cannot influence the development of the word.  (Fowler also considered asset “a false form”, individual “often a colloquial vulgarism”, and elevator “properly used only of a grain hoist”.) [21]

     I am, then, well aware that, as writers have more often realized than teachers, the criticism of new and popular verbal usages is fruitless. [22]  I persist, nonetheless, hoping not to halt the semiotic drift but to flesh out the older sense of hip and hipster, lovingly preserving this ghost of a word if only as an exhibit in the museum of the mind.

     Still, were I to locate a sweet spot in the hipster history, a definition that fills an otherwise vacant place in the lexical structure and, more importantly, one that appeals to me, a signification unfortunately now faded, I would select one close to that suggested by Anatole Broyard in 1948 essay in Partisan Review, “A Portrait of the Hipster,” [23] which, even as it took the hipster seriously, describing him as an “underground man,” bearing both the burden and the freedom of being “of the minority,” also foresaw its cooptation in the very intellectual sympathy that led to both Broyard’s essay and to mine.  “The hipster—once an unregenerate individualist, an underground poet, a guerilla—had become a pretentious poet laureate. His old subversiveness, his ferocity, was now so manifestly rhetorical as to be obviously harmless. He was bought and placed in the zoo. He was somewhere at last—comfortably ensconced in the 52nd Street clip joints, in Carnegie Hall, and Life. He was in-there...he was back in the American womb. And it was just as hygienic as ever.” 

     I am well aware of the problems associated with hip as an aesthetic category [24], yet it remains for me a significant and novel twentieth century artistic concept. For all his topicality, all the talk of Hiroshima and Auschwitz and existential Angst, the hipster is surely the mid-twentieth century successor to a legion of earlier artists who claimed to know more than their fellows: shamans, prophets, and seers. To me the hip will always penetrate lies, the vicious claims of all forms of prejudice, most prominently racism, and the lethal lure of war, that old love-killer misogyny, the lies of criminals in high places, and the spirit-killing programming that teaches people that the way to joy is possessions. That sort of hip had its start in Black peoples’ certainty that society was based on fraud, musicians’ winking certainty that art trumped money, and dopers’ intuition that everyone else was as hooked as they but simply didn’t know it, yet that people could still almost miraculously salvage their corrupt and materialistic society through art, beauty, and spiritual ambition. If those insights are lost, a new counter-culture will likely be required to restore the species to a path of progress.

 

 

1.  The app is called Where Is Williamsburg?  The travel guide I mention is for rent.com.  

2.  To be fair, a few of these journals (the Chicago Reader and the Bay Guardian, for instance) have provided investigative reports and arts criticism beyond features on movies, television shows, food, and merchandise.  During its long decline even the Village Voice sometimes pleasantly surprised its readers.

3.  This etymology, though rejected by most linguists, has survived and spread through secondary books such as J. L. Dillard’s Black English (1972).  It is repeated in John Leland’s Hip: A History (2004).  Dalby had ingeniously suggested African origins for a number of other terms current in his own day’s slang, most of which are not accepted by other authorities. 

4.  The Washington Times (Washington, District of Columbia), 12 Feb., 1899.

5.  T. A. Dorgan featured a character “Joe Hip,” “Son of old man Hip.”  The 1904 novel by George V. Hobart, called Jim Hickey: A Story of One-Night Stands (the title refers to musical jobs) -- preserves a great deal of slang used among musicians.  The 1904 novel, Rex Beach’s The Auction Block, was made into a film in 1917.

6.  Examples include Jack Smiley’s Hash House Lingo (1941) in which hipster is defined as “a know-it-all” and the glossary for Mezz Mezzrow’s Really the Blues (1946) in which a hipster is “a man who’s in the know, grasps everything, is alert.”. 

7.  “Minnie the Moocher” was the first recording by an African-American (and the first categorized as jazz) to sell over a million copies.  Calloway went on to be the first of his race to have a national radio show.  He appeared as well in films including both features such as International House (1933) and short films for Paramount such as 1934 Cab Calloway’s Hi-De-Ho, as well as in cartoons including three Betty Boop animations.  Like Dr. John and Screamin’ Jay Hawkins Calloway was a crossover artist bringing a version of African-American culture attractive to white listeners.

8.  Republished in an expanded version the next year as Professor Cab Calloway’s Swingformation Bureau.

9.  Co-written by Bernard Wolfe.

10.  Recorded in 1944, but composed years earlier.

11.  He was busted a number of times, including once with Billie Holiday in a Florida hotel room in 1956 when he was her accompanist at the Ball and Chain. 

12.  Those unfamiliar with the forties popular music scene may be surprised to learn that a listing of the top eighty records of 1946 included tunes by Charlie Parker, Dizzy Gillespie, Thelonious Monk, and Django Reinhardt. See https://playback.fm/charts/top-100-songs/1946.

13.  Dissent, fall 1957.  Perhaps equally influential were the columns Mailer wrote for The Village Voice, such as the lists comparing hip and square.

14.  “Caroline Bird, Born 1930: The Unlost Generation,” Harper’s Bazaar, Feb. 1957. 

15.  Partisan Review, spring 1958.  After a leftist youth, Podhoretz became an agent of reaction.  The Partisan Review was, of course, funded by the CIA as part of its effort to counteract the influence of leftist intellectuals.  Podhoretz himself worked for the USIA in the sixties, at a time when collaboration with the government was unpopular among artists and scholars. 

16.  A certain fascinated repugnance is evident not only in literary reviews but also general interest magazines such as Time and Life.  For a detailed general perspective see Anna Lou Jessmer, Containing the Beat: An Analysis of the Press, Coverage of the Beat Generation During the 1950s, available at https://mds.marshall.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1425&context=etd.

17.  Hedrick, a pioneering artist in conceptual and performance modes, had founded the Six Gallery where the historic poetry reading occurred in 1955. 

18.  In my first memory the word meant something teeny-bopper.  Both hippie and beatnik were scornful labels popularized by the decidedly non-hip Herb Caen.

19.  among the satirical reactions see David Brooks’ Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There (2000) and the French cartoon book Bienvenue à Boboland (Welcome to Boboland, 2008).

20.  Stories appeared in "The Bedford Files," Time Out New York (TONY) (February 3–10, 2000) and in "Brooklyn Nights Turn Brighter," The New York Times (February 11, 2000). 

21.  See the entries for these words in Fowler’s A Dictionary of Modern English Usage.  I think as well of the elderly British teacher I met in my youth who denounced the word television as “a monstrous bastard” because it combined elements derived from both Greek and Latin.  He had spent his career in India, always more conservative of British standards than the U. K.

22.  One may easily compile a list of canonical authors who use double negatives, sentences beginning with conjunctions, and the like. 

23.  Partisan Review, June 1948.

24.  See “The Legacy of the Beats” on this site.

 

 

 

1939 Hep! Hep! The Jumping Jive

 

Hep hep

De-boodle-de-ack, de-boodle-de-ackasaki

Hep hep

Oh, rang-tang, te-dah-dah

Hep-hep

Gonna tell you 'bout the jumpin' jive

Hep hep

Jim, jam, jump, the jumpin' jive

Hep hep

Cats gonna beat out this mellow jive

Hep hep

Beat it out on the mellow side

Boy

Whatcha gonna say there, gate?

Oh, boy

Whatcha gonna say there, gate?

Palomar, shalomar, Swanee shore

Let me dig that jive once more

Boy

Lay it right on down to the gator

Oh, boy

Lay it flat as a gator

Now, can't you hear those hep cats call?

Yeah

Come on, boys, let's have a ball

The jim, jam, jump on the jumpin' jive

Makes you dig your jive on the mellow side

Hep hep

Hep hep

The jim, jam, jump is the solid jive

Makes you nine foot tall when you're four foot five

Hep hep

Hep hep

Now, don't you be that ickeroo

Get hep, come on and follow through

Then you get your steady foo

You make the joint jump like the gators do

The jim, jam, jump on the jumpin' jive

Makes you like your eggs on the Jersey side

Hep hep

Hep hep

The jim, jam, jumpin' jive

Makes you hep hep on the mellow side

Hep hep, hep hep

Hep hep, hep hep

The jim, jam, jump on the jumpin' jive

Will make you dig your jive on the mellow side

Hep hep

Hep hep

The jim, jam, jump, the solid jive

Makes you nine foot tall when you're four foot five

Hep hep

Hep hep

Now, don't you be that ickeroo

Get hep, come on and follow through

Then you get your steady foo

You make the joint jump like the gators do

The jim, jam, jump on the jumpin' jive

Makes you like your eggs on the Jersey side

Hep hep

Hep hep

The jim, jam, jumpin' jive

Makes you hep hep, on the mellow side

Hep hep

Hep hep

Now, I've told you 'bout the jumpin' jive

The jim, jam, jump, the jumpin' jive

I know you dug this mellow jive

Oh, you dig it on the mellow side

 

 

 

Are You Hep To The Jive (1940)

 

Are you full of pep? (Yes, yes, yes)

Are you hep-a-hep-a? (Yes, yes, yes)

Are you full of step-a

What do ya know, gates?

Are you in know, or are you a solid bringer-downer?

Listen here, jack

Take it slow you can learn just what I mean

Are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes)

Are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes)

Are you hep, are you hep, are you keepin' in step, are you hep to the jive?

Do you lace your boots high? (yes, yes)

Are you fly, are you fly? (yes, yes)

Do you dig, do you dig, do you swing on the gig, are you hep to the jive?

Do you get in the in the grove? (yes, yes)

Does the beat make you move? (yes, yes)

Do you send yourself jack and then trilly on back and you know that it's smooth?

Oh, are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes)

Are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes)

Are you hep, are you hep, are you keepin' in step, are you hep to the jive?

Are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes) (dah-doo-dah)

Are you hep to the jive? (yes, yes) (dah-doo-dah)

Are you hep, are you hep, are you keepin' in step, are you hep to the jive?

Do you lace your boots high? (yes, yes) (dah-doo-dah)

Are you fly, are you fly? (yes, yes) (dah-doo-dah)

Are you hep, are you hep, are you keepin' in step, are you hep to the jive?

Do you get in the in the grove? (yes, yes)

Does the beat make you move? (yes, yes)

Do you send yourself jack and then trilly on back and you know that it's smooth?

Are you hep-hep-hep to the jive? (yes, yes)

How do you dig-dig-dig-dig the jive? (yes, yes)

Are you hep, are you hep, are you really in step, are you hep to the jive?

Tuesday, April 1, 2014

Are Uncle Tom’s Children Bound by History?


Page references are to the 1965 paperback Harper Perennial edition.


     Uncle Tom’s Children is a remarkable first book, all the more for the fact that these insightful and artful stories were the work of an author who, due to American racism, had only an elementary school education. Apart from that severe limitation, Wright also spent his youth in his grandmother’s Seventh Day Adventist household in which worldly amusements such as non-scriptural reading were forbidden. Through heroic exertions of will, he managed to educate himself and write several of the most important works of the American twentieth century. He did receive aid in his development from the Communist Party that sponsored the John Reed Clubs and the Left Front literary journal that had given him critical support and recognition and from the cultural commitment of the New Deal whose WPA Writers Project had supported him.
     Wright had, of course, a troubled relationship with the Party, having left Chicago partly to escape the political scene that had allowed him to emerge as a writer. Though he later resigned his membership and contributed to the anti-communist The God that Failed in 1949, he remained a principled leftist. He avoided, for instance, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, correctly suspecting its roots in the CIA.
     Critics who comment on Wright’s political evolution often say explicitly that his motive for leaving the Party was his refusal to write agit-prop with plots guided by vulgar notions of revolutionary art. Indeed, in spite of the unsparing, precise, and detailed picture of American racism he details, he never succeeded in integrating his social view with his artistic practice, and most of his fiction is ultimately more psychological and philosophical than political.
     In fact his theoretical call to arms, “The Blueprint for Black Writers,” criticizes not reactionary literature but rather phony literature, either the museum-like preservation of folk culture or the second-rate imitation of mainstream writers. He devastatingly quotes Lenin to the effect that the petty bourgeois in their attempt to emulate the rich often succeed only in caricature. Reference to Lenin may seem doctrinaire, yet what he was insisting upon was the presentation of the truth of his own experience, neither more nor less than, say, Hemingway might have done.
     Even the essay “I Tried to be a Communist” [1], his apologia for leaving the Party, has no mention of any conflicts over literary principles, no critique of Marxist ideology, or even of the Party’s shifting views of a correct line – his criticism of the Party is virtually entirely about the jockeying for power of individuals, each so bizarre and groundless in their accusations that an escaped mental patient claiming higher party standing can command authority. The jealousy, backstabbing, and cynical manipulation in pursuit of power he describes in the CPUSA, far from peculiar to that group, are familiar to workers in many educational institutions and corporate offices.
     He describes the first conflict in the Chicago group as between the clique of painters who held the leadership and that of writers who challenged them. [2] In the shadow cast by Stalin’s purges, his friend Ross is accused of betraying the movement He mentions the publication of “Big Boy Leaves Home” without a word about any criticism of his writing. Apart from this unjust condemnation, his other major policy conflict is over the dissolution of the John Reed Clubs which he presents as an example of the Party’s top-down management in which members were expected to support any decision from above without discussion or dissent. Serious though it is, this criticism of the Communist Party has nothing to do with censorship or nonartistic influence on his own work. Indeed he more than once reports praise for his writing by Party members.
     This book, along with Native Son and Black Boy, are the most accurate and highly charged accounts of incidents in the latter part of the hundred years of terror in the South that followed the withdrawal of federal troops as part of the corrupt election deal allowing Hayes to take the presidency in 1877, called the Great Compromise by some and the Great Betrayal by others. Though none of the picture Wright paints contradicts Marxist analysis, little of what he implies requires it either. Wright clearly seeks to set down the terms of his own profound experience of Jim Crow.
     Apart from Wright’s expert use of dialect [3], he is notable for foregrounding the psychological concomitants of racism, including its strong sexual element. [4] Significantly less evident in the two stories in which Communists play a role, sexual motives are prominent in all the others. In the autobiographical piece “The Ethics of Living Jim Crow,” Wright relates the case of a man who was castrated for having sex with a white prostitute. In “Big Boy Leaves Home” the crisis of transgression is dramatically intensified by the fact that the white women saw naked black bodies. Action arises from a rape in “Long Black Song.” In “Down by the Riverside” Mann’s questioners suspect him of improprieties with Mrs. Heartfield.
     Apart from the neuroses of the oppressor, Wright is equally eloquent on the consequences for the oppressed. In his own version Wright restates DuBois’ classic formulation of double consciousness: “Here I learned to lie, , to steal, to dissemble. I learned to play that dual role which every Negro must play if he wants to eat and live.” (13) Silas of “Long Black Song” rages “Ah’m gonna be hard! When they come fer me Ah’m gonna be here!” while next lamenting “But, Lawd, Ah don wanna be this way!” (152-3) In “Fire and Cloud” Rev. Taylor retreats into a dissociative state. “When Taylor spoke he seemed to be outside of himself, listening to his own words, aghast and fearful.” (185) Mann has “wild impulse” to shoot blindly. (120)
     Yet the greatness of Wright’s vision utterly transcends these historically bound themes. Wright found in France both an escape from the American racial atmosphere and the congenial philosophy of Sartre, Beauvoir, and Camus (who were all like him intellectuals of the left), but the existentialist moments are already present in his work long before The Outsider and The Long Dream. Silas’ monologue, cited above, continues “It don mean nothing! Yuh die ef yuh fight! Yuh die ef yuh doin fight. Either way yuh die n it don mean nothing . . .” (153) To him “It don make no difference which way Ah go.” (152) When Mann inadvertently kills, it reminds the reader of nothing so much as Meursault’s murder in The Stranger.
     Wright’s rural Southern characters have much in common with Sartre’s man of good faith [5] who strives for the impossible and can experience freedom only with angoisse. They resemble Camus’ man of action who defies human limitation by breaking the paralysis of helplessness: Silas in his desperation sounds rather like Camus when he wrote “all I ask is that, in the midst of a murderous world, we agree to reflect on murder and to make a choice.” [6] Far from being shaped by Negrophiles in France, Wright’s later, more explicitly existential books were a natural growth from his earlier work.
     In the concluding lines of “Bright and Morning Star” which ends Uncle Tom’s Children, Sue dies by violence, but remains defiant to the end and finds this lethal assault “forced her to live again, intensely.” (263) In her strength of will she finds her affirmation, her “morning star,” neither in the promises of her church nor in the promise of revolution. Communist organizing provided the terms of her rebellion in the time and place in which she finds herself in history, but her psychology is not dependent on the specific conditions of her life. In the same way Wright’s vision included but was not limited by a sensitive and informed response to social conditions of his time.



1. Originally published in the Atlantic Monthly in 1944 and later reprinted in the hugely successful The God that Failed edited by the anti-communist British Labourite Richard Crossman.

2. It is surely noteworthy that both these contending groups were artists. Though Wright had been introduced to the Communists through his fellow workers in the post office, one finds no mention of them or of stockyard or steel workers in the accounts of leadership.

3. His unimpeachable bona fides as a proletarian was challenged by fellow Communists because, though self-educated, he spoke in an educated and genteel manner.

4. See Advertisements for Myself for an account of the piece Norman Mailer had written for Lyle Stuart’s The Independent which asked, “Can’t we have some honesty about what’s going o in the South? Everybody who knows the South knows that the white man fears the sexual potency of the Negro,” provoking Faulkner to attack his masculinity. Eleanor Roosevelt may have been doing the same thing when she reacted to the statement by calling him “horrible.” Few white writers equaled Mailer’s insight when he wrote in “The White Negro,” “Any Negro who wishes to live must live with danger from his first day, and no experience can ever be casual to him, no Negro can saunter down a street with any real certainty that violence will not visit him on his walk.”

5. See Being and Nothingness, Washington Square Press edition, 1977, p. 724..

6. Albert Camus, “Neither Victims nor Executioners.”