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Showing posts with label sexism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sexism. Show all posts

Saturday, July 1, 2023

The Social Meaning of Witchcraft

 

     When I was teaching in West Africa, the Senior School Certificate Examination included questions about Shakespeare’s Macbeth, so the three upper forms read and reread that one play.  A compact thriller, it is probably a good choice for secondary students, but several in my class were particularly impressed with the witches.  “You see,” one of them told me, as though he had uncovered something he was not supposed to know, “the English have witches, too.” 

     The Nigerians, it seems, have so many that they are still outlawed, though legal conviction punishes far fewer than the number who suffer vigilante action.  Are the fictional Elizabethan weird sisters in fact substantially the same as their real Nigerian contemporaries who announced a professional conference of witches not so long ago in Benin City? [1]  How much does either have in common with the self-identified contemporary witches for whom the identity is associated with feminism and New Age beliefs or, on the other hand, with the traditional Christian view that a witch is a conscious agent of the devil?  In Margaret Murray’s many publications (pooh-poohed by other specialists), she argued that witches were simply devotees of a pagan religion.  Writers who were not anthropologists (and even some who were) used to refer to practically any tribal shaman, healer, or priest as a “witch doctor.”  Slippery as it already sounds, the definition is further complicated by the fact that there exist numerous accounts of male witches and of benevolent ones, and that the great majority of people who have been considered witches by others have denied the charge, at least until torture began.  Practically the only common factor is the alleged use of supernatural means, but a great variety of practitioners meet that criterion.

     The present inquiry therefore adds two further conditions.  The supposed witch is female and she uses her magic power with a malevolent aim.  Probably the most common usage in English and sanctioned by centuries, what this definition loses in inclusiveness, it gains in a sharper focus on the meaning of what is surely the most historically significant set of witches, those considered to be wicked women.  The great majority of people charged with witchcraft had, of course, no such malicious intentions, but the prejudice built into the term is itself informative.  Virtually all information about the phenomenon derives from the statements of the supposed witches’ voluble enemies, who considered these unfortunate women the worst of malefactors, leaving us with a substantial story of their persecutions but almost nothing about their actual beliefs or activities. 

    Hostile accounts of witches are prominent not only in European history, but in other parts if the world as well.   A few years ago the United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution calling for the “elimination of harmful practices related to accusations of witchcraft and ritual attacks.”  In many countries of Africa the existence of witches is widely accepted.  Only a few weeks ago the African Union voted to encourage its members states to remedy the damage done by such beliefs.  The resolution aimed at halting the outright murder or subjugation to ordeals of suspected witches, as well as a variety of harsh punishments such as their confinement to “witch-camps” in Ghana and enslavement in Tanzania [2].

     Several accused witches have been judicially executed in recent decades in Saudi Arabia where witchcraft remains a statutory crime [3].  In India accusations of witchcraft, primarily directed against poor, elderly, and low caste women, have occurred from early times until the present.  Over a thousand five hundred people so labeled are still killed every year [4].  In Papua New Guinea about a hundred women are killed annually for similar reasons [5].  Even in relatively developed countries such as Russia [6] and the United States [7] such incidents occur.

     The Biblical text most often invoked in European witch-hunting is Exodus 22:18: “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.”  Whether the term mekhashepha in this passage derives from a root meaning “mutterings” (referring to incantations) or from another meaning “cutting,” (indicating one who gathers plants) [8], it clearly indicates a practitioner of traditional remedies.  Of course, as the Hebrew scripture abundantly reminds us, anything savoring of another religion was anathema to the ancient Jewish leaders for ritual reasons apart from any ethical implications.  In this way all unorthodox beliefs became associated with disloyalty to Jehovah.  Later, of course, the Christian god proved no less jealous [9], and the practice of magic was identified with fealty to the devil.

    Due to the hegemony of European Christianity, witchcraft was universally forbidden from the start [10], but widespread persecution did not occur until the Early Modern era.  While the anxiety caused by wars and epidemics may have played a role, surely the principal reason for this escalation of violence in which tens of thousands were executed was the Reformation as the Roman Catholic Church moved to protect its exclusive franchise on the supernatural just as the ancient Jewish priesthood had done.  This is true in spite of the fact that few if any of the accused “witches” were in fact Satanists [11].  Whereas one might have expected that the belief in witches would have been more widespread during the Middle Ages in Europe when science was less developed, in fact it was not until the Reformation threatened and then overturned the long hegemony of Roman Catholicism that authorities seeking to reestablish control were moved to take action not only against the Protestant reformers but also against imagined enemies who were more easily overcome: old women, Jews, and those suspected of covert unorthodox beliefs.

     Beyond the attempt to maintain the hierarchical religious power structure the pursuit of witches also reinforced male authority in the family and in the community.  At base like all superstition and much of religion it expresses the anxiety people feel concerning events beyond human control.  Misfortune of all sorts, first of all mortality, but illness, injury, crop failure, and any of a myriad other calamities might strike at any moment.  Seeking protection from such undesirable but unforeseeable suffering, people fenced their actions with elaborate defensive systems. They honored the deceased ancestors, yet also took precautions to prevent them from bringing problems to the living. They relished the meat their hunters brought, yet performed rituals to propitiate the animals’ spirits. They courted, divided the tasks of life, and made heterosexual love, but remained anxious that the mysterious other might be surreptitiously causing harm.  The veneration of female fertility deities in prehistoric times represented at once the joy of nature’s plenty and the fear that its largesse might be withheld. Once such earth mothers were replaced in the role of divine chief executive and source of the good things of life by male sky gods such as Zeus and Jehovah, the rich gifts once associated with females both holy and human were lost and only trepidation remained in the face of the female supernatural.  It is the story of the rejection of Asherah among the Jews and of Pandora, once named “all-gifts,” but then said to have brought woe among the Greeks.

     The misogynistic implication of the belief in this sort of witches is undeniable. The wish of male culture makers to project responsibility for misfortune on the other led to the systematic repression and exploitation of women in patriarchies around the world. The case of witches makes clear that women’s relegation to second-class status was motivated by their oppressors’ self-interest (or, at any rate, by selfish intentions), yet men felt apprehensive still.  Customs such as the sequestering of women during menstruation certainly arose from the same sort of fear that led to the witch prosecutions. Often marginalized people – the poor, the eccentric, the foreigner -- were selected as particular scapegoats in the desperate effort to control the unpredictable turns of fortune or to seek revenge for misfortunes that had already occurred.

     Apart from those with religious power seeking to retain it, believers wishing to exhibit piety, and everyone’s wishing to avert bad luck, the concept of vicious female witches enforced male patriarchal control in a way accepted by most as self-evident and natural.  A more general, non-religious fear of women is suggested by the word witch’s otherwise paradoxical use to mean both an "old, ugly, and crabbed or malignant woman" (from the early 1400s) and a "young woman or girl of bewitching [i.e., attractive] aspect or manners" (middle 1700s) [12].

     Thus it has been the witch-hunters and not the witches who behave in a superstitious and an unchristian manner.  The strategy of scapegoating is of a piece with the prodigious human sacrifices of the Mayans and the Aztecs and the monstrous crime of the Holocaust as well as with the dehumanization of the poor and enemies in war, xenophobia, racism, and bigotry in general.  On a smaller scale similar patterns abound: the bullying of schoolchildren, domestic violence, blame-shifting and even supercilious language toward subordinates.  Life is insecure, suffering always at hand, and the resulting fear and anxiety stimulate the desire to believe that untoward events must be caused by others and that hostile action is required in self-defense.  Those with power easily believe that their power is justified.  Deflecting responsibility does not, of course, solve problems, and the result is often a redoubling of violence in the pursuit of well-being that would be poignant were it not so selfish.  The empathy and cooperation of people has always existed in tension with the demands of ego and the convenient ability to dehumanize those who live over the next hill and the more vulnerable among one’s own group. 

     While campaigns against witches have diminished, our species is as irrational as it ever was, and blaming and penalizing those who are weaker is as common as in the day of the Salem trials.  Magic thinking is so appealing to many that the mythic patterns survive.  When the war in Vietnam was draining the spirit of our nation and causing untold misery, a good deal of the public thought the problem was protesters.  When unions were organizing and Black scabs were brought in, white working-class people readily believed that their enemy was their fellow worker rather than the plutocrat exploiting them both.  When the government must save money, the savings are most often found in the small amounts spent on the poor, the ill, the outcast, the nonconformist.  In a curious echo of earlier delusions, many people thought during the 1980s and 1990s that Satanic ritual abuse and murder of children was occurring in spite of the lack of corroborating evidence [13].  Currently, many right-wing extremists fantasize that “liberals” and Democrats and the witch-like Hillary Clinton are regularly committing such crimes.  Today, when the existence of our species is imperiled by imminent environmental catastrophe, when millions of our brothers and sisters are in want, when the rich steal an ever greater proportion of our productivity, some are convinced that what needs remediation is people in drag reading stories to small children. 

     The black arts derive their evil character not from the acts of the so-called witches, but from the barbarous viciousness of those considered righteous.  Projection of one’s own faults, displacement of blame for adverse events, vilification of those who are in some way different, and, most dramatically, outbursts of murderous ferocity against outsiders have always been the most readily available solutions to human problems.  The only flaw in these approaches is that they do not work.

    

 

 

1.  in 1987, High Priest Osemwegie, playwright and founder of the Ebohon Cultural Center, announced a meeting of witches in Benin City.  After a storm of protest from fundamentalist Christians, he declared that the gathering would proceed, but, for security reasons, would be invisible.  More recently, in 2019 an academic meeting featuring academic papers in topics relating to witchcraft had been scheduled at Nsukka University, but had to reformulate its announcements due to Pentecostal pressure from churchmen who thought it was, as the earlier meeting had indeed been, a gathering of practitioners.

 2.  The UN resolution (#47) passed in July 2021.  Among many other sources, the camps are reported by Leo Igwe, “Witch Camps and Politics of Witchcraft Accusations In Ghana.” Maravi Post, June 13 2022 and enslavement in Dale Wallace, “Rethinking Religion, Magic and Witchcraft in South Africa: From Colonial Coherence to Postcolonial Conundrum,” Journal for the Study of Religion, Vol. 28, No. 1 (2015).

 3.  Among recent victims of this legalized murder have been Fawza Falih Muhammad Ali in 2006 and Amina Bint Abdulhalim Nassar in December 2011,

 4.  Seema Yasmin, “Witch Hunts Today: Abuse of Women, Superstition and Murder Collide in India,” Scientific American January 11, 2018.

 5.  An even higher estimate is suggested in the Wikipedia article titled “Witch-hunts in Papua New Guinea.”  The general situation In Papua New Guinea is surveyed in Charlie Campbell, “How a 7-Year-Old Girl Survived Papua New Guinea’s Crucible of Sorcery,” Time July 16, 2019.  Other stories may be found in   Maya Oppenheim, "Rising numbers of women in Papua New Guinea suffer brutal violence after being accused of 'witchcraft'," The Independent June 10, 2021.

 6.  Samantha Berkhead, “Practical Magic: How Russia’s Ancient Witchcraft Traditions Continue to Thrive,” Moscow Times, November 4, 2020.

 7.  Among the cases in the United States is that of E’Dina Hines in 2015.  Often, as in the case of Eder Guzman-Rodriguez in 2011, children are the victims. 

 8.  The translators of the Septuagint rendered the word as φαρμακοὺς, a word that (as Derrida in Plato’s Pharmacy noted) applies equally to a healer and a poisoner.

 9.  Witchcraft is a capital offense in the Laws of Hammurabi (eighteenth century B. C. E.).  Similarly, verse 102 of the second surah of the Koran (Al-Baqara) propounds the idea that devils teach magic.  “And they followed what the devils taught during the reign of Solomon. It was not Solomon who disbelieved, but it was the devils who disbelieved. They taught the people witchcraft and what was revealed in Babylon to the two angels Harut and Marut.”

10.  In England the laws of Alfred, for instance, condemn unrepentant witches to death.

11.  A sort of synthetic Satanism, primarily meant to be provocative, arose in the 18th century with Philip Wharton, 1st Duke of Wharton’s Hellfire Club (1718) and Sir Francis Dashwood’s Order of the Knights (or Friars) of Saint Francis (1749) whose meetings Benjamin Franklin occasionally attended.  Later, playing with Satanism enjoyed something of a vogue with Éliphas Lévi and Aleister Crowley.  This trend reached a sort of epigone with Anton LaVey’s Church of Satan (1966).  The Satanic Temple, an entirely secular organization, was founded in 2012 by Lucien Greaves and Malcolm Jarry with the goal of provocatively challenging the intrusion of religion in American government.

12.  Oxford English Dictionary.

13.  A useful brief survey is provided in Bette L. Bottoms and Suzanne L. Davis, “The Creation of Satanic Ritual Abuse,” Journal of Social and Clinical Pychology vol. XVI, no. 2 (1997).

Thursday, December 1, 2022

Zola’s Nana and the Conundrum of Sex Work

 

Though it engages Zola and Xenophon, this piece is really more about the nature of sexual relations than aesthetics.

 

     Surely in Nana (1880) Zola meant to portray the sordid degradation of the sex workers of his time, even those who populated the more luxurious regions of the demimonde, where salons were occupied by genteel and titled aristocrats as well as by a once penniless girl of the streets.  In this he was contributing to a growing literature of prostitution that included most of the prominent writers among Romantics, Realists, and Naturalists alike.  Among the many who depicted streetwalkers and courtesans were de Vigny in his novel Cinq Mars (1826), Hugo in Marion Delorme (1828), Dumas père in Filles, lorettes et courtisanes (1843) and La Dame aux Camélias (1848), the Goncourt brothers in La Lorette (1853), Eugène Sue in “La Lorette” (1854), Augier in Le Mariage d'Olympe (1855), Huysmans in Marthe (1876), and de Maupassant in “Boule de Suif” (1880). [1]

     Though Zola’s approach was sociological rather than moral, tracing Nana’s ruin to her dreadful childhood, her story very nearly fits the form of a medieval exemplum, so horridly does her beauty dissolve in the end into suppurating lesions.  The chance event of her illness reveals to the reader, though not to the lady herself, the vanity and destructiveness of her career as a courtesan.  Yet Nana herself, despite her ups and downs, her short-sightedness and extravagance, had largely maintained a good humor, while her lovers fall into hopeless perdition one after another in what must amount to the greatest career of romantic destruction prior to Dorian Gray (whose conquests are far more obscurely suggested).  Philippe Hugon falls into crime, Georges stabs himself, and Fauchery, Vandeuvres, and Count Muffat suffer financial collapse in the attempt to support her profligate spending, while Nana herself never realizes what she is doing and is brought low only by the random calamity of infectious disease.

     There can be, of course, no question of the fundamental power structure of the patriarchy represented in the novel’s social relations.  The men hold the money and the power and Nana, as she periodically reflects, has nothing but her magnificent body.  Still, the misery and distress she brings her devotees and the disasters they suffer contrast with her generally self-satisfied moods.  She sacrifices true love, perhaps, by cynically using each man she cultivates, and can experience only a cruel caricature of selfless affection in her attachment to Fontan who beats her when he is not simply cold and thoughtless.  Love appears in the narrative only warped by either financial or physical exploitation or hopeless and one-sided obsession.  With fearful concision, Blake knew almost a hundred years earlier in London that “the youthful Harlots curse” “blights with plagues the Marriage hearse.”  As the professional in Cole Porter’s “Love for Sale” (1930) admits, she can offer “Every love, but true love.”

     If love vanishes when it finds itself in the marketplace, what remains in its place may not be the “trip to paradise” Porter’s lyrics promise, but something more nasty all around.  The world of the Théâtre des Variétés with its titled boxholders may be unknown to the contemporary reader, but comparable phenomena are commonplace today.  One may imagine, without ever having witnessed, the scene in a self-styled “gentleman’s club” next to a truck-stop at an interstate’s exit.  The parallels with Nana’s world are unescapable.  There, daily, groups of men, with more or less furtiveness, sit with overpriced drinks and drop hard-earned dollars in sacrifice to the sexual charms of the performers whose talents, as in Nana’s case, are irrelevant, their nudity (or semi-nudity) being the commodity the customers purchase. 

     This is only the grossest example and it carries the comforting convenience that many can without difficulty avoid that smoky and dim-lit crowd.  Self-interested love may as well be manifested  in the youthful wife of an aging celebrity (or rich man), in a young man’s proclivity for pornography, or the nude scene propelling an actress’ career.  The ordinary course of erotic experience includes moments at least of many sorts, ranging from possessiveness and aggression through mutual respect and responsiveness and on toward self-abnegation and masochism.  In Nana’s world, though, only the ultimately unsatisfying extremes are possible.

     Without questioning the fundamental power relations at play or the oppressive sexism of the dominant ideology, the observer might wonder whether the men or the women are more brutalized in this unequal substitute for love.  Clearly both are denied a satisfying erotic life.  The objectification forced upon the woman descends no less decisively on the man.  Films like The Blue Angel and Of Human Bondage caricature the degradation of an exploitative affair with the man as victim, though the daily newspaper indicates that the reverse is far more commonly the situation.

     Nana’s social position is not entirely unlike that of the ἑταίρα if ancient Greece.   In Xenophon’s account Socrates visits Theodote, a celebrated courtesan, after hearing of her fabulous beauty.  Arriving at her home, he finds her posing for a painter, but when they can converse, Socrates poses her a question.  “Ought we to be more grateful to Theodote for showing us her beauty or she to us for looking at it?  Does the obligation rest with her if she profits more by showing it, but with us if we profit more by looking?”  Eliding the issue of actual sexual contact by describing only her role as the object of visual attention, he observes that “we already long to touch what we’ve seen and we’ll go away aroused and will miss her when we’re gone.  The natural consequence is that we become her adorers, she the adored.”  As she is “sumptuously dressed” and attended by “many pretty maids” in a “lavishly furnished” house, her advantage seems self-evident, and she concedes to Socrates, “Of course I ought to be grateful to you for looking.” [2]  

     Theodote was, of course, quite prosperous.  Her work occurred like Nana’s in a genteel aristocratic atmosphere, just as some women with “sugar daddies” might today mix in moneyed circles.   The answer to Socrates’ question would have been different had he been interviewing a common prostitute, a πόρνη, a word derived from πέρνημι meaning “to sell” and  associated with exploitation and slavery.  Poor, often literally a slave, lacking agency over her own life, such prostitutes resemble today’s street sex workers who are often addicts or victims of trafficking.

     The question that Socrates poses to Theodote ignores a third possibility, that of mutual affection, but that can hardly occur when sexuality is commodified.  Every economic bargain involves a balance of interests, and, when people are buying and selling, a marketplace can assure a modicum of what looks to both parties like “fairness,” but when love is for sale, it is either not really love or not really for sale.  If one party is more powerful, a price must be paid for cynically using another; the possibility of love vanishes altogether.

 

  

1.  Though never prosecuted in France, Zola was the occasion for several major censorship trials in the United Kingdom that ultimately ruined Henry Vizetelly, his publisher.  For a survey of the theme in visual art, see Hollis Clayson’s Painted Love: Prostitution in French Art of the Impressionist Era.  Crane’s novella Maggie: A Girl of the Streets (1893) developed an American Naturalism from the considerably more sordid circumstances of the Bowery.  The theme flourished in art movies after World War II in such features as Bresson’s Les Dames du Bois de Boulogne (945), Fellini’s Nights of Cabiria, Dassin’s Never on Sunday (1960), Godard’s Vivre sa Vie (1962), Pasolini’s Mama Roma (1962), Kurasawa’s Red Beard (1965), and Buñuel’s Belle du Jour (1967).

2.  Memorabilia (III, 11, 2-4) in the Loeb Library translation by E. C. Marchant and O. J. Todd, revised by Jeffrey Henderson.