John Brown, W. E. B. Du Bois
One reason that few shared the “clear, white light” of Brown’s moral certainty is that, for all their charitable feeling, most white Americans kept their Black brethren at arm’s length. Brown recalled from his childhood an incident in which he received hospitality in a householder’s home as he drove his father’s cattle to market. There he met a Black slave of his own age who impressed him as “fully if not more than his equal,” yet who was treated harshly by his owner. This personal acceptance was apparent in Brown’s adult life as he consistently practiced social equality, inviting Blacks into his home and visiting in theirs, informally adopting a Black son, and seeking to include Black collaborators in his work.
Brown is an excellent example of a man who sought progressive change, not out of pity but because he considered their freedom a necessary precondition for his own. His education had been primarily from the Bible, and Biblical values and language were woven throughout his own thinking. This orientation was not only in tune with broadly shared American standards at the time, but religion’s claim to universal authority is appropriate since slavery, like murder and the oppression of women, is condemned by virtually all modern moral standards. Brown’s prophetic voice, while thoroughly Christian, can still appeal to all.
For those who contemplate a life like Brown’s, historical fact and partisan view may be considerably entangled. Du Bois clearly has an interest in maintaining not only that Brown was sane (if fiercely single-minded) but also that his plan to attack the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry had a reasonable prospect of success. [2] Whether this point of the plot’s practicality is so or not must remain controversial and speculative, but for the modern reader the point is that Brown’s opposition to slavery was exemplary and his zeal cannot be faulted.
John Brown tells us that the price of repression is greater than the price of freedom, that violence is far more pernicious when it is institutional and habitual than when it is a matter of an evil-tempered individual. Every day that the slave system persisted people became inured to its crimes against humanity, more accepting of its outrages, and thus more brutalized. A more or less benevolent master remains a master. In Brown’s opinion the solution must lie, not in the reformation of individuals as John Woolman had attempted in the eighteenth century, but in the alteration of society. To allow an exploitative system like slavery, or, one might add, colonialism or capitalism, to continue is to sanction violence whether or not one is personally wielding the whip. Lincoln eloquently argued in his Second Inaugural that the moral debt of slavery was always increasing and, painful though it be, must in the end be paid. “If God wills that [the war] continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said ‘the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.’" Now, long after the Civil War, after the attempts by racists to perpetuate injustice have produced a hundred and fifty years of violence, lynchings, Jim Crow, and daily exploitation and repression, the cost is evident to all, and still rising.
Brown tells us, then, that the time to act is now. Hesitation is complicity. No shrewd calculation of odds can alter the facts that racism is wrong, that its ill effects consistently harden and deepen, and that it entails consequences that spare no one. [4] Others may be depended upon to criticize, to temporize, to offer only financial support, but some feel called to take action. Further, Brown speaks for the harder truth of his own day, that slavery’s foes must use “any means necessary,” and the price it seemed could be payable only in blood. [5] He had abandoned the faith in political pressure and moral suasion to which his friend and associate Frederick Douglass still clung. He sought to have a wider effect than Harriet Tubman had managed with her daring raids. (Tubman, in fact, supported Brown, joined with him in planning the assault on Harpers Ferry, and during the war served in the Union army.)
Du Bois seems to be straining just a bit when he enumerates the positive effects of the raid in spite of its military defeat. He quotes Douglass: “If John Brown did not end the war that ended slavery, he at least began the war that ended slavery.” Du Bois argues that his raid aroused the slave population leading to incidents of rebellion and presaging the hundreds of thousands of Black recruits that served in the United States Army. The fear of insurrection from within and the conviction that Brown had brought a mere taste of the potential for armed Northern intervention created a sense of crisis that, Du Bois argues, hastened the conflict. Finally, he says, Brown presented a moral dilemma to Americans in the most fundamental terms. People heard of a good, indeed a Christian man, who sacrificed himself out of love for others, killed by the advocates of a system built on the sins of greed, cruelty, and lust. [6] Few would question that Brown’s actions shifted the political parameters in his day. Whereas anti-slavery propagandists had seemed the South’s chief antagonists, they now had to deal with the fact of armed opposition. Just as the rise of Black power advocates like Stokely Carmichael (later Kwame Ture) and H. Rap Brown (later Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin) made the nonviolent activism of Martin Luther King seem suddenly more acceptable, even those who did not approve of Brown’s actions became more sympathetic to the abolitionist cause, so his actions had a clear effect of hastening the end of slavery.
Though many moderns may lack the fire and the courage of “the old man,” as he was often called in the days of his greatest action, he clearly advanced the cause of freedom. Brown’s passion for justice is inspiring, and much of his analysis remains viable today. Today, no less than in his era, racism remains a great evil, the pursuit of racial justice continues, and the movement’s most vigorous partisans feel as he did that action is imperative regardless of short-term consequences, whether for the nation or for the activist. One need not share the rhetoric of Brown’s Calvinist theology to applaud his militance. Right is right.
1. 1. The book was published in 1909. My copy is an International Press edition
from 1962 including comments by Du Bois indicating his view of the book’s
relevance after almost half a century.
It remains no less useful now when the work is more than twice as
old.
2.
2. He claims that the primary reason for the defeat
of Brown’s party, small though it was, was the failure of the timely arrival of
supplies from the farm a few miles distant.
3. 3. Lincoln had long been a supporter of such
plans. One hears little these days about
his plan to establish Lincolnia, an African-American colony in the Chiriquí
Province of Panama which foundered in the face of opposition by Panama,
Nicaragua, and Honduras.
4.
4. The murder rate among both white and Black remains
highest in the states of the Deep South, for instance, where slavery was most
brutal.
6.
6. I find a parallel in the effect of photographs
of early civil rights demonstrations in journals like Life and Look.
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