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Friday, April 1, 2022

The Use of Convention in “The Floure and the Leafe”

 

Numbers in brackets indicate endnotes; those in parentheses are line numbers. 

 

     Justification of literary valuation is notoriously elusive.  Works rise and fall in the estimation of readers over time based on a number of factors, including the older text’s real or imagined similarity to current writing or to either the critic’s (or the society’s) ideology.  A reader’s perception of beauty may be explained but cannot be proven.  Analysis of fluctuations in the prestige of specific poems and novels is likely to reveal as much or more about readers as about the works in question.

     The history of the reputation of the anonymous fifteenth century poem “The Floure and the Leafe” illustrates a particularly dramatic alteration in status.  Attributed to Geoffrey Chaucer since at least the end of the sixteenth century [1], the poem was highly appreciated for several hundred years.  Dryden lauded it and wrote a modernization, Keats wrote a sonnet in response, and the poem was praised as well as by Hazlitt, Campbell, and others, but, by the middle of the nineteenth century, doubts had begun to appear about its authorship [2] and in 1900 W. W. Skeat not only decisively completed the case for a later and anonymous author (whom he regarded as a woman [3]), but also denigrated the poem in withering terms.  He realized he was going against the grain noting “this poem has so frequently been praised that I feel some diffidence in saying that too much has been made of it” yet he was sufficiently hostile to those who maintained the traditional view to use inverted commas when he called them “critics.” [4]

     The drop in value following the discovery that the poem had not been written by an accepted “great” is, however dramatic, surely not surprising.  The weight which readers give to authority has led to a host of pseudepigrapha, including the ascription of the Pentateuch to Moses and over a hundred texts once falsely attributed to Aristotle, and the art market demonstrates in a clear monetary metric the loss of value when a painting has been shown to be not by a master, but by his school or, worse yet, by a forger.  Yet these decisions are socially rather than aesthetically driven, and have nothing to do with the value of the artwork itself. 

     Shifts in literary taste also influenced the poem’s standing.  Many moderns, in fact, many post-Romantics, would, of course, be put off by a defunct genre like the medieval dream visions.  A superficial view conflates literary convention with lack of imagination and privileges “realism” (as though any collection of marks on a page is a direct representation of lived experience).  At the time when Skeat wrote, a leading edge of literature was realism and an archaic fantasy vision hardly will appeal to one for whom verisimilitude is important. 

     Yet the curious fact is that those who valued the poem prior to Skeat’s comments regularly stressed not its well-wrought artifice but its outstandingly “realistic” descriptions of nature.   In spite of the fact that the language is highly formulaic with most phrases being closely paralleled by antecedents so numerous that no one instance can be seen as the poet’s model, appreciation for “The Floure and the Leafe” was most often based on the poet’s successful representation of a nature that corresponds to lived experience.  Because of Chaucer’s date, early readers also often characterized the poem as simple” and “childlike,” ignoring the poem’s sophistication. 

     Just as Dryden, in an age that favored didacticism found the poem’s moralizing its chief appeal [5] during the Romantic era, when readers prized natural description, they found it in “The Floure and the Leafe.”  For William Hazlitt, one of the most acute critics of the day, Chaucer’s “characteristic excellence, what might be termed gusto” lies in his “descriptions of natural scenery,” so true-to-life that they give “the very feeling of the air, the coolness or moisture of the ground,” and the poem which best exemplifies this outstanding quality is “The Flower and the Leaf.” [6]  Thomas Campbell found in it “fresh and joyous descriptions of external nature.”  The setting of the vision, which seems to moderns so distant from lived experience, is for him “like the recollection of an actual scene.” He comments, “Here is no affected rapture, no flowery sentiment.” [7]  For Keats , reading “this pleasant tale" is an experience that feels natural, like strolling into “a little copse.” [8]

     The principal effect of the conventionality apparently invisible to these earlier readers is that scenes and individuals are highly generic with little specificity.  They are largely interchangeable -- one poet could wander into the locus amoenus of another and scarcely notice the difference, nor would their ladies find much to motivate a choice between the men.  Detail is replaced by superlatives in a pattern so pervasive it requires no exhaustive demonstration.

     Hyperbolic convention appears from the outset with the glorious chariot of Apollo whirling across the sky far above a beautiful scene.  Reverdie is in progress and “every wight/ Of this season wexeth glad and light.” (13-14)  The speaker, ”glad of the season swete” (15) enjoys “heart’s ease.”(20)  She steps out into a very “plesaunt” (36) sight.   Indeed, the poet who devised the entire setting says it “it was more pleasaunt then I coud devise.” (97)  The medlar tree is “the fairest.” (86)  The poet thought herself in Paradise. (115)

 

                         . . . sith the beginning

Of the world was never seen or than

So pleasant a ground of none earthly man.

                                                          (124-126)

 

     The women of the company of the leaf and men are not only themselves beautiful, they sing beautifully as well and, as if that were not enough, go about draped in gems, fine fabrics, and garlands.  The men and the flower party are much the same.  No attempt is made toward what most readers would mean by “realism.”  Yet such conventional superlatives, far from being limited to allegorical dream visions, are universal; the popularity of the device signifies that it has been found highly useful. 

Though such obviously artificial statements may seem to owe their origin to the mindless replication of prior models, the existence of hyperbole in the rhetorical figures of every nation suggests that they function as more than decorative ornaments.  In certain ways these extravagant statements are more “real” than the kind that passes for objective.

     Most obviously, they represent culturally accepted ideals to which, it is understood, living people only imperfectly aspire.  Achilles can exemplify the impossibly brave and competent warrior portrayed as the noblest among men, as can John Wayne.  Medieval romances have episodes as hyperbolic as any comic book action hero.  The dominant desirable qualities for women are illustrated by the countless surpassingly lovely ladies from Helen through the most recent film star, though there are supplementary models specifically for wives such as Penelope and Griselda.  All cultures transmit their beliefs and values through the symbolic systems of songs, dramas, and visual works.  Hyperbole in art defines very plainly the qualities admired by its makers.

     Furthermore, everyone experiences subjective states of mind which correspond closely to poetry’s immoderate claims.  An individual may really think his daughter is the smartest thing around, his sergeant is the bravest man on earth, and his lover the most beautiful.  Such sentiments seem true to parents, comrades, and lovers.  Art represents the human psyche more accurately than non-aesthetic forms of discourse specifically because it allows representation of the affective states so significant in lived experience. 

     Apart from their value in suggesting such cultural codes and individual passions, the hyperboles of poetry have a ludic value, providing the reader or listener with play and entertainment.  People turn to literature for experiences unobtainable otherwise.   The poster in the library that tells our children “reading is a magic carpet” does not lie.  The pleasure of seeing what is not and never can be is akin to that experienced by the contemporary film viewer watching special effects.  And when the depiction is rendered impossibly lovely, this seductive virtual reality can be dazzling in itself. 

     Finally, just as people in humble circumstances often enjoy reading about celebrities, there is likely some effect resembling sympathetic magic causing the reader to imagine herself as blissful as the fine ladies in a story.  The reader of “The Floure and the Leafe” thinking of a beautiful bower crowded with beautiful people resembles the Depression era movie-goer relishing and not resenting men on the silver screen in high top hats arm-in-arm with women sparkling with jewels.  One can almost imagine the ladies of the flower doing a Busby Berkeley number.

     Whereas the poem’s original readers knew the relevant codes and, far from being put off by the use of convention, they regarded it as prestigious as it connects a current work with the laudable models of the past.   For the original audience the use of convention was appreciated for both entertainment value and thematic function.  Once readers had forgotten the meaning of the old conventions, having traded them for new, the poem lost its appeal.  As it happens, the poem lost the authorial sanction of Chaucer’s name at a time when its conventions were already poorly understood, causing the poem to fall into an undeserved obscurity.

 

 

  

1.  Included in Thomas Speght’s 1598 The Workes of our Antient and learned English Poet, Geffrey Chaucer.

 2.  Skeat’s idea of female authorship may have influenced both his dismissal of the poem and later generations’ near-abandonment of it.  Though the author’s identity and gender remain uncertain, the persona of the text is female.  In this essay I shall use feminine pronouns for the unknown writer.

 3.  In his 1778 edition of Chaucer Thomas Tyrwhitt was the first scholar to doubt the attribution.  (Tyrwhitt also edited Chatterton’s Rowley poems with an appendix demonstrating their true authorship.)  In 1868 Henry Bradshaw’s arguments that the poem must be dated after Chaucer’s death were included in Furnivall’s A Temporary Preface to the Six-Text Edition of Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales.  This view was strengthened by Bernhard ten Brink in Chaucer: Studien zur Geschichte seiner Entwicklung und zur Chronologie seiner Schriften (1870). 

 4.  His observation about “critics” appears in Chaucerian and other pieces (1897), lxi, the admission of diffidence from The Chaucer Canon (1900), 139.Lectures on the English Poets (1818), “On Chaucer and Spenser.”

 5.  See his preface to Fables, Ancient and Modern.

 6.  in British Poetry, quoted in The Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal, March 1819 p. 474.

7.  Specimens of British Poets, 1819. 

8  “Written On The Blank Space Of A Leaf At The End Of Chaucer’s Tale Of ‘The Flowre And The Lefe.’”

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