Among the magical strategies people have used
to influence unpredictable and uncontrollable elements of life are the
observation of taboos. Often such rules
govern the boundaries of the body, with anxiety focused around, on the one
hand, materials cast out of the body such as excrement and the trimmings of hair and nails
and, on the other, food, drink, and
medicine taken into the body. According
to Frazer among taboos none “are more numerous or important than the
prohibitions to eat certain foods.” (24)
One of the most
widespread food taboos is that against eating meat. Often rational bases are provided for vegetarianism, and one may well justify a meat-free diet on the grounds of
health or the prudent use of resources, though probably the most common
explanation is ethical, based on a reluctance to cause pain to other living
things. This moral objection seems weak,
though widespread. Apart from salt
everything we eat is organic, and if one does not kill animals, one kills
plants. Further, carnivorous animals are
common and presumably blameless. The
necessity that life can live only on life is clearly encoded in nature and is
thus for those of theistic sensibilities part of God’s way and for others simply natural. Were I to die in an open field,
in less than a minute insects would begin to gather to dine on my remains, to
be followed by scavengers and immense populations of bacteria. As long as one breathes, and indeed no less
afterwards, the cycle of birth and death is inescapable.
Indeed, in general food taboos are fundamentally symbolic rather than functional, more likely to
be justified by scriptural mandate rather than by practical motives. Various degrees of vegetarianism are
practiced by nearly all Jains and many Seventh Day Adventists, while about a
third of Hindus eschew meat, as do substantial numbers of Buddhists and Sikhs,
as well as some Rastafarians, Baháʼís, and members of the Nation of Islam. Past vegetarian cults include Pythagoreans,
Manichaeans, and Mazdakist Zoroastrians [1].
Each of these sects could cite authority for
their practice. Some Christian
vegetarians would point to Genesis 1:29–31 and Isaiah 11:6–9 as
evidence that God originally prescribed vegetarianism (though their carnivorous
confrères might counter with Acts 10:10-15 which seems to declare that
no meat is ”unclean”). Buddhist and Jain traditions are more decisive
with explicit recommendation of a
meat-free regime, while the Hindu attitude characterizes a meat-free diet as
characteristic of spiritual seekers and Brahmins [2].
Among the
best-known food taboos is the Jewish and Muslim prohibition against pork, based
on Leviticus 11:7-8 [3].
And the swine, though he divide the
hoof, and be clovenfooted, yet he cheweth not the cud; he is unclean to
you. Of their flesh shall ye not eat,
and their carcase shall ye not touch; they are unclean to you. 8 And the swine,
because it divideth the hoof, yet cheweth not the cud, it is unclean unto you:
ye shall not eat of their flesh, nor touch their dead carcase.
Though in modern
times the threat of trichinosis is often alleged as the basis for the prohinition of pork,
this motive is not asserted in antiquity. Maimonides did seek to rationalize the
rule, noting that swine will feed on garbage and even excrement, thus
compromising a community’s hygiene standards, but did not mention parasites. Historians have suggested that pigs were
inappropriate and unsupportable in the nomadic pastoral lifestyle of the early
Jews and, later, Arabic Muslims [4].
In the Hebrew
scripture the categorization of the animal is the critical point: the hog’s
foot is divided in two, yet he does not chew the cud. The structural rule – exclude the anomalous
and exceptional – leads to the proscription
of rabbits, camels, horses, and rodents as well as pigs. Carnivorous birds such as eagles and vultures
are considered unclean as are sea animals that lack scales and fins such as
oysters. Insects are not allowed except
for the four kinds specified in Leviticus 11:22. Clearly the motive is cultural definition with
an identity unlike that of neighboring peoples, roughly the same reason that
the Satmar Hasidim who live ten miles up the road from my house wear payot
as they take to be commanded in Leviticus 19:27.
The Muslim avoidance
of pork surely imitated the Jewish rule, though most of the kashrut
regulations were not adopted. Condemned
in the Koran [5], such meat had played only a small role in the diet of
the Arabic-speaking people who first adopted Islam just as pork had been rarely
consumed by the Jews. Thus the rule aided
cultural definition while at the same time associating the new cult with the prestige of the
older religion without untoward economic consequences.
The Hindu
attitude toward cattle is, in a way, opposite.
While Jews and Muslims find hogs to be unclean, even disgusting beasts,
Indians idealize cattle, worshipping Kamadhenu, the divine cow of whom every living
animal is an incarnation. Just as the
early Arabic-speaking people did eat pork prior to Muhammed, ancient Indians
ate beef. In fact, beef was a
prestigious meat in Vedic times, used for sacrifices and the reception of honored guests [6].
Just as the myth
of Abraham and Isaac marks the transition from human to animal sacrifice, the
story of King Prithu signals the prohibition of beef while allowing the
consumption of dairy products. The Mahabharata
[7] relates how this chakravarti, an idealized king as
culture hero, succeeded to power at a time when sacrifices were neglected. Pursuing the earth in the form of a heifer,
he agrees to spare her life in exchange for her life-giving milk.
Vegetables, too,
are proscribed for some. Certain Hindus
avoid onions, garlic, and mushrooms, feeling that such foods are tamasic, that
is, they induce inertia and are associated with ignorance [8], making the mind sluggish and retarding spiritual advancement.
Food taboos may be taken to elaborate extremes, some of which apply only to certain individuals or certain times. For instance according to Frazer the Egyptian pharaohs ate no meat but goose and veal while Masai chiefs must restrict themselves to milk, honey and goat liver [9]. In Myanmar a popular poster warns against for apparently innocuous combinations such as jelly and coffee or pigeon and pumpkin which are thought to be dangerous, even lethal [10].
Cultural reasons
alone explain the reluctance of most Europeans to eat insects or horse meat and
of virtually all to eat dogs. The
primary significance of such taboos is always symbolic, though other factors
may play a role. Functions,
distinguishing one’s group, health, natural pre-existing diet and economics may
each play a role, but the fundamental important of food taboos is magical. The fragility of such beliefs is suggested by
the Hawaiian abandonment of taboos following the Battle of Kuamoʻo in
1819. The indigenous people had already
for several decades observed that foreigners who ignored their taboos suffered
no ill effects, but many were still astonished when their royal family publicly
flouted rules they had scrupulously observed for generations.
If food taboos may vanish rapidly, they
have also considerable persistence. Today,
while many people continue to follow the traditional taboos they were taught by
their parents, others have adopted new ones, which may be equally superstitious
in spite of quasi-scientific justifications.
Those seeking to lose weight may seek to avoid fat, or sugar, or
carbohydrates, when in fact what us required, according to most experts, is
simply smaller quantities of an ordinary diet.
Salt is considered almost poisonous by some. Avoidance of gluten is widespread as a glance
at American supermarket shelves will confirm.
A genuine intolerance for gluten occurs with celiac disease which
affects something like one percent of the population, yet a far greater share
of Americans, some estimates suggest one-third [11], irrationally feel gluten
is unhealthy.
Food taboos are
generally symbolic in nature, yet they reinforce social realities like identity
identification and differentiation whether one’s in-group is Orthodox Jews or
New Age food faddists. For believers
they constitute a visible daily reminder of one’s faith while serving as a
placebo to induce well-being. More
easily manageable than some human failings, dietary restrictions have proven satisfying
and even therapeutic for many, though their efficacy, like all magic power, is entirely
symbolic and psychological.
1. Pythagoras’ views
are represented by Ovid in the Metamorphoses XV 60-142 while the
Manichean attitude is contained in St. Augustine’s De Natura Boni.
2. See, for instance
chapter 8 of the Lankavatara Sutra for a Buddhist source and verse 71 of
Digambara Amritachandra’s Puruṣārthasiddhyupāya for a Jain authority. Hindu reservations about meat are expressed
in a number of texts, including the Shatapatha Brahmana and the Chāndogya
Upaniṣad.
3. Repeated in Deuteronomy
14:8.
4. See Marvin Harris,
"6: The Abominable Pig" in The Sacred Cow and the Abominable Pig:
Riddles of Food and Culture (1987).
5. See 2:173, 16:115,
and 6:145.
6. The Aitareya
Brahmana, Book 7, for instance, provides details about such sacrifices.
7. In the Drona Parva
(Book 7.69) and the Shanti Parva (29.132).
The story appears as well in the Vayu Purana and elsewhere.
8. Manu 5.5
9. The Golden Bough, 177.
10. Anders Sandberg
and Len Fisher, “Never eat a Pigeon with a Pumpkin: a model for the emergence
and fixation of unsupported beliefs,” presented at the Oxford Symposium on Food
and Cookery 2023, reprinted in revised form as Chapter 30 in Food Rules and
Rituals: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery 2023, ed.
Mark McWilliams, p. 294-306.
11. “One-Third of
Americans Are Trying to Avoid Gluten—But Is It the Villain We Think It Is?,” News
and Views (summer 2015), NYU Langone Health.
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