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Planetary Motions
, published by Giant Steps Press, is now available on Amazon for $14.95. The Giant Steps website is https://giantstepspress.com/.



Spoor of Desire: Selected Poems
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Showing posts with label Debs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Debs. Show all posts

Monday, April 1, 2024

Little Blue Books

 



     The paperback books of the 1950s and the earlier Everyman’s Library and Modern Library made literary classics available at a modest price.  The access to great writing thus given the general public has a value rivaling that  of everyone’s favorite socialist institution, the public library.  Yet an even more accessible series – the Little Blue Books – had brought provocative ideas and beautiful poetry within the reach of everyone who could afford a cover price of ten cents.  I used to see stacks of these with their plain and numbered covers, not all, in fact, blue  – they were published until 1978 – in Chicago’s used book stores and they are traded yet today online, forming an odd niche for collectors.

    These little stapled booklets, three by five inches and never over a hundred pages, were published by the Haldeman-Julius Company of Girard, Kansas which may seem an unlikely location for a popular literary publisher.  The explanation is more unlikely yet.  Girard remains today a small town with a population of two and half thousand, a figure that has varied little since 1890.  Apart from farming, the area once included some mines, a few small mills, an iron-smelter, a tannery, and a brick-yard.  Immigrants, especially from the Balkans, were recruited to serve these industries in the middle of the American plains.  The radicalism some brought from Europe combined in Girard with the populist program of the Farmers’ Alliance and the growing power of American socialist parties.  By far the most successful of these, the Socialist Party of America (founded in 1901), had strong support in the trans-Mississippi West.

     In this context Percy Daniels, an activist in the rurally-based People’s Party (elected lieutenant governor of Kansas from 1892-94), purchased the town’s newspaper, the Girard Herald.  In 1895 Julius Wayland, who had been obliged to flee his hometown of Versailles, Indiana to avoid lynching for his radical views and who later participated in the utopian socialist Ruskin Colony in Tennessee, established the weekly newspaper, the Appeal to Reason which came to have more readers than any other socialist journal in American history, reaching 550,000 around 1910.  [1]

     The editor during the early twentieth century was Fred D. Warren.  The danger he posed to capitalism is evident from his legal challenges.   He was arrested and convicted for offering a reward for the arrest of former Kentucky governor William S.  Taylor who was on the run after being implicated in the murder of his gubernatorial rival William Goebel.  In  this case President Taft commuted Warren’s sentence, saying he did not wish for the editor to be a martyr. To Taft the paper’s views were “wild and perverted” but “for all persons of average commonsense a reading of his articles is the best antidote for the poison he seeks to instill.” [2]  At one point in 1901 the Postal Service  forbade his paper’s distribution system (sending bundles to individuals who would then resell the papers).  Before the charge was dismissed Warren had a glimpse of Leavenworth the published description of which led to a new charge, this time for obscenity (also dismissed).  The Post Office continued to seek any pretext for banning the Appeal. [3]

     In 1912 Wayland, the Appeal’s founder, committed suicide and ownership passed to his sons who sold the company to Emanuel Haldeman-Julius who had been an editor and his wife Marcet.  Persecution continued, particularly with the paper’s initial principled opposition to WWI and the new Red Scare laws.  After a few life support maneuvers, including backing the war effort and emphasizing a kind of patriotic display that anticipated the popular front strategy of the American Communist Party several decades later,  [4]  the paper ceased publication in 1922, replaced by the Haldeman-Julius Weekly which emphasized literature, art, and culture.  That same year the Haldeman-Julius Publishing Company began the Little Blue Book series, sometimes called the Peoples Pocket Series or the Ten-Cent Pocket Series.  (The name persisted, though the booklets were not always blue.)

     The political partisanship of the Appeal remained in the new venture.  The first series of Little Blue Books included Rhymes of the Revolution, with an introduction by Debs, as well as editions of Thomas Paine’s The Age of Reason and Common Sense.  Works at once political and literary included William Morris’s A Dream of John Ball and Oscar Wilde’s The Soul of Man Under Socialism.  Radical critiques of Christianity were represented by Robert Ingersoll, the Lamarckian evolutionist William Henry Hudson, and Carroll Lane Fenton, a prominent opponent of creationism, while progressive social views were contained in volumes from Margaret Sanger (What Every Girl Should Know) and Marriage and Divorce by Horace Greeley and Robert Dale Owen (whose father had founded the New Harmony Community).  Literature was available in the form of stories by Poe and Chekhov and poetry by Shelley.  FitzGerald’s  “Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam,” an extremely popular poem at the time, was accompanied by an essay by leftist attorney Clarence Darrow (who lived in Girard for a time).  Introductory philosophical texts included Will Durant on Aristotle and on Nietzsche. There was also a rhyming dictionary, for those who wished to compose lyrics themselves. 

     Later series included other self-help title, including How to Become a Writer of Little Blue Books.  These practical guides ranged from How to Cook Fish and Meats, How to Play Golf, How to Save Money, How to Improve Your Conversation, and How to Psycho-Analyze Yourself to How to Write Love Letters, Perhaps the most ambitious publication was called How We Can Live Happily. 

     Some of the literary titles were altered in time in the effort to sell more copies.  For instance, Essays on de Gourmont and Byron was reissued as Masters of Erotic Love, and Essays on Joseph Conrad and Oscar Wilde became A Sailor and a Homosexual.  Gautier’s The Fleece of Gold was retitled The Quest for a Blonde Mistress, Hugo’s The King Enjoys Himself became The Lustful King Enjoys Himself, and George Moore’s Euphorian in Texas gained the subtitle An Unconventional Amour.

     In spite of such concessions to marketing, though, the day of the Little Blue Books was passing.  While paperback competitors gained sales, government repression continued.  Hoover’s aggressive FBI investigation of the company after WWII resulted in the refusal of many stores to carry their publications and Emanuel Haldeman-Julius himself was convicted of income tax offenses before he drowned in his backyard swimming pool in 1951.  His son Henry then kept the business afloat for a twilight period until 1978 when a fire destroyed the printing plant, bringing an end to the long experiment in providing the best literature to the masses. 

     Throughout its run, the literary emphasis had remained dominant, with works by Marcus Aurelius, Washington Irving, Boccaccio, Emerson, Whitman, Carlyle, Emerson, Montaigne, De Quincy, Schopenhauer, “Michael Angelo,” Lamb, Lord Chesterfield, Goethe, George Sand, Gorky, Rousseau, Longfellow, Ibsen, Thackery, Machiavelli, Dante, and Alexander Pope.  Little Blue Books offered a liberal education in manageably brief and mercifully inexpensive increments.  They can now remind us of the fact that not so long ago, many ordinary working people not only sought to understand their place in American capitalism, but also aspired to consume the best writing with the confidence that the taste for beauty and for truth need not be confined to the ruling class.   

     I like to imagine the Little Blue Books in the pockets of factory workers, itinerant farm laborers, hobos riding the rails, and new immigrants working on their English, passed perhaps from one hand to another until they were torn and ragged.  Little Blue Books allowed those whose daily lives may have included few luxuries to form independent opinions on the issues of the day and to taste some of the finest thought and art ever produced.  The history of the Haldeman-Julius company may remind the twenty-first century that the sublime is accessible to all who reach for it, that culture belongs to everyone, and that at one time, in the very heart of America, the radical transformation of society was a genuinely popular cause.

 

 

 

1.  By comparison the Communist Daily Worker had a top circulation of 35,000. 

2.  New York Times, February 2, 1911.

3.  The legal history is detailed in Harold A. Trout, The History of the Appeal to Reason: A study of the Radical Press available at https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/217268777.pdf.

4.  One slogan in the late ‘thirties and early ‘forties was “Communism is the new Americanism.” 

Friday, December 1, 2023

Socialist Parties of the United States

 

     In spite of the obvious advantages of a popular front against exploitation the left has always been a fractious place.  What some participants and historians might see as the struggle to develop a correct “line” that will most effectively advance the people’s cause will seem to others internecine infighting. At times, activists were perhaps influenced by the temptation to defeat one’s comrades when capitalism seemed too big a bully to challenge.  Nonetheless, the history of American revolutionary groups is a rich one, full of heroism and critical to the reforms that have made our economic system more livable for more people over the last hundred and fifty years.  This survey is meant to pay tribute to the generations of activists who have moved the country forward, and socialists have been at the forefront of nearly every campaign for social progress from abolitionism, women’s suffrage, and labor rights, but it may also remind progressives of the energy lost to factionalism.

     I have sought to include in this list all parties explicitly calling for revolutionary change while excluding reformist or mixed groups like the Progressive Parties associated with Robert LaFollette and with Henry Wallace, or the Working Families or New York Liberal Party.  I have concentrated on groups that meant to initiate a mass electoral movement, however limited their success.  The Industrial Workers of the World is included due to its outsize role in American history though it was a union and not a political party.

     Though my arrangement is primarily chronological, some broad general groupings exist.  The early groups contributed to the formation of the Socialist Party which has been the top socialist vote-getter by far, having achieved totals little short of a million in 1912 and 1920 with Debs as candidate and in 1932 with Norman Thomas at the head of the ticket.  The formation of what came to be called the Old Left was inspired by the Bolshevik victory in Russia and the formation of the Comintern.  Though the Communist Party was America’s most organized and active left-wing group, its members were obliged to adopt the Soviet line and to suppress internal discussion.  Later, with the arrival of the New Left in the ‘sixties, others imitated the Maoist program while some sought to follow models from Cuba or Vietnam.   Since the collapse of the mass movements for civil rights and against the Vietnam War, many groups of the New Communist Movement, none very large, argued over correct policy while many other leftists worked in single-issue groups.

     The overwhelming positive implication of this simple listing is the evidence it provides of a grand tradition of workers, both native-born and immigrant, continuously agitating for a better society, thus illuminating a history often ignored.  It suggests as well several negative factors that have contributed to the relative weakness of socialist ideas in the American political forum. 

     First is factionalism itself.  Apart from dividing workers and thus diluting their interests, this tends to encourage the suppression of open discussion essential for a vigorous movement.  In politics, as in science and other arenas, the enforcement of orthodoxy deaden progress.  There can be no certainty that a given analysis or strategy is effective; a healthy organization will be always ready to consider opposing conclusions from the facts and to take new information into account.  For political purposes numbers are far more useful than a theoretically perfect program.

     The development of antidemocratic tendencies was further encouraged by the emulation of foreign regimes whether Soviet, Chinese, or Third World.  Just as the people’s victory in Russia was largekly subverted by the Leninist idea of a dictatorship euphemistically labeled “democratic centralism” and Stalin’s dictatorship.  Communist parties were until recent times intolerant of internal discussion.  The unfortunate effects of Americans “tailing” after other regimes rather than seeking appropriate American solutions include agitation against comrades such as Trotskyites and the artificial linking of the priorities of socialists in the United States with the practices in countries abroad with claims to be socialist.

     The hard fact is that the most disciplined parties, typified by the Communists of the ‘thirties, have been the most effective.   The same pattern emerged again in the ‘sixties as activists from Socialist Workers and Progressive Labor in gained outsize influence in contrast to the more casually organized members of SDS.  An openness to the free discussion of new ideas seems contrary to the unanimity useful for collective action.   This dialectic is evident today on the right wing as the Trumpite fascists have proven far more successful than the more reasonable traditional Republicans.

     Most Americans have a shallow involvement in politics and, unfortunately, little grasp of their own interests.  They have often been distracted and misled by racism, sexism, and xenophobia, but some in every generation have recognized that socialism offers the solution of social and economic problems.  The following list is a reminder of this ongoing struggle.  I am sure it is far from complete.

 

 

1876 The Socialist Labor Party (originally the Workingmen's Party of the United States) was the first socialist party in the United States.  Some elements broke to help form the Socialist Party.  

1898 the Social Democratic Party of America was founded which merged into the Socialist Party in 1901.

1901 the Socialist Party organized including elements of the Socialist Labor Party.  In 1971 the party changed its name to Social Democrats, USA which split in 1973 into two factions, the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the Socialist Party USA.

1905 Industrial Workers of the World as a union did not run candidates but included people from the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party.

1919 Communist Party of the USA from a split in the Socialist Party.  Another splinter, the Communist Labor Party of America merged with the CPUSA in 1921.

1928 Communist League of America formed by Trotskyites after their expulsion from the CPUSA which in 1934 joined with the American Workers Party to establish the Workers Party of the United States which lasted until 1936 when its members joined the Socialist Party.

1934 Workers Party of the United States formed by the merger of the Trotskyist Communist League of America and A. J. Muste's American Workers Party.

1935 the Revolutionary Workers League split from the Workers Party of the United States, disbanded in 1946

1936 American Labor Party formed by members of the Socialist Party.

1937 Socialist Workers Party of Trotskyites expelled from the Socialist Party.

1938 the Leninist League broke from Trotsky and the Socialist Workers Party, In 1946 it was renamed the Workers League for a Revolutionary Party.

1959 Workers World Party split from SWP.

1962 Progressive Labor Movement formed by Maoists within the CPUSA renamed Progressive Labor Party in 1965.

1964 Spartacist League split from the Socialist Workers.

1966 Black Panther Party disbanded in 1982.

1966 Freedom Socialist Party feminist split from Socialist Workers, spawned the Radical Women activist group.

1967 Marxist-Leninist Party (USA), dissolved in 1973.

1967 Peace and Freedom Party.

1967 Youth International Party formed by hip radicals

1968 Young Lords, a Chicago gang, reformed as a political group.

1968 Young Patriots formed by white Southerners in Chicago along the model of the Black Panthers.

1968 White Panthers formed by hip white radicals along the model of the Black Panthers.

1970 Gray Panthers, old persons group along the model of the Black Panthers.

1971 People’s Party, a national grouping including the Peace and Freedom Party that functioned only in the 1972 election, reformed in 2017 by supporters of Bernie Sanders

1971 New American Movement, formed by SDS members, merged with DSOC in 1983 to establish the Democratic Socialists of America

1971 Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) was formed from the October League (Marxist–Leninist), many of whose members had been SDS activists who followed a Maoist line.

1972 The African People's Socialist Party.

1973 Communist Workers' Party split from Progressive Labor, dissolved to join New Democratic Movement in 1985.

1975 Revolutionary Communist Party (originally the Revolutionary Union)  split from Progressive Labor.

1986 Labor Militant founded by Trotskyites, changed to Socialist Alternative (United States) in 1998.

1990 Green Party evolved from environmentally concerned Committees of Correspondence

1995 Socialist Equality Party (United States) formed by the Workers League, the US supporters of the ICFI. The Workers League had been founded in 1966 by the American Committee for the Fourth International (ACFI), which emerged out of a split with the Socialist Workers Party

2004 Party for Socialism and Liberation, split from Workers World