Socialist Parties of the United States

 

     In spite of the obvious advantages of a popular front against exploitation the left has always been a fractious place.  What some participants and historians might see as the struggle to develop a correct “line” that will most effectively advance the people’s cause will seem to others internecine infighting. At times, activists were perhaps influenced by the temptation to defeat one’s comrades when capitalism seemed too big a bully to challenge.  Nonetheless, the history of American revolutionary groups is a rich one, full of heroism and critical to the reforms that have made our economic system more livable for more people over the last hundred and fifty years.  This survey is meant to pay tribute to the generations of activists who have moved the country forward, and socialists have been at the forefront of nearly every campaign for social progress from abolitionism, women’s suffrage, and labor rights, but it may also remind progressives of the energy lost to factionalism.

     I have sought to include in this list all parties explicitly calling for revolutionary change while excluding reformist or mixed groups like the Progressive Parties associated with Robert LaFollette and with Henry Wallace, or the Working Families or New York Liberal Party.  I have concentrated on groups that meant to initiate a mass electoral movement, however limited their success.  The Industrial Workers of the World is included due to its outsize role in American history though it was a union and not a political party.

     Though my arrangement is primarily chronological, some broad general groupings exist.  The early groups contributed to the formation of the Socialist Party which has been the top socialist vote-getter by far, having achieved totals little short of a million in 1912 and 1920 with Debs as candidate and in 1932 with Norman Thomas at the head of the ticket.  The formation of what came to be called the Old Left was inspired by the Bolshevik victory in Russia and the formation of the Comintern.  Though the Communist Party was America’s most organized and active left-wing group, its members were obliged to adopt the Soviet line and to suppress internal discussion.  Later, with the arrival of the New Left in the ‘sixties, others imitated the Maoist program while some sought to follow models from Cuba or Vietnam.   Since the collapse of the mass movements for civil rights and against the Vietnam War, many groups of the New Communist Movement, none very large, argued over correct policy while many other leftists worked in single-issue groups.

     The overwhelming positive implication of this simple listing is the evidence it provides of a grand tradition of workers, both native-born and immigrant, continuously agitating for a better society, thus illuminating a history often ignored.  It suggests as well several negative factors that have contributed to the relative weakness of socialist ideas in the American political forum. 

     First is factionalism itself.  Apart from dividing workers and thus diluting their interests, this tends to encourage the suppression of open discussion essential for a vigorous movement.  In politics, as in science and other arenas, the enforcement of orthodoxy deaden progress.  There can be no certainty that a given analysis or strategy is effective; a healthy organization will be always ready to consider opposing conclusions from the facts and to take new information into account.  For political purposes numbers are far more useful than a theoretically perfect program.

     The development of antidemocratic tendencies was further encouraged by the emulation of foreign regimes whether Soviet, Chinese, or Third World.  Just as the people’s victory in Russia was largekly subverted by the Leninist idea of a dictatorship euphemistically labeled “democratic centralism” and Stalin’s dictatorship.  Communist parties were until recent times intolerant of internal discussion.  The unfortunate effects of Americans “tailing” after other regimes rather than seeking appropriate American solutions include agitation against comrades such as Trotskyites and the artificial linking of the priorities of socialists in the United States with the practices in countries abroad with claims to be socialist.

     The hard fact is that the most disciplined parties, typified by the Communists of the ‘thirties, have been the most effective.   The same pattern emerged again in the ‘sixties as activists from Socialist Workers and Progressive Labor in gained outsize influence in contrast to the more casually organized members of SDS.  An openness to the free discussion of new ideas seems contrary to the unanimity useful for collective action.   This dialectic is evident today on the right wing as the Trumpite fascists have proven far more successful than the more reasonable traditional Republicans.

     Most Americans have a shallow involvement in politics and, unfortunately, little grasp of their own interests.  They have often been distracted and misled by racism, sexism, and xenophobia, but some in every generation have recognized that socialism offers the solution of social and economic problems.  The following list is a reminder of this ongoing struggle.  I am sure it is far from complete.

 

 

1876 The Socialist Labor Party (originally the Workingmen's Party of the United States) was the first socialist party in the United States.  Some elements broke to help form the Socialist Party.  

1898 the Social Democratic Party of America was founded which merged into the Socialist Party in 1901.

1901 the Socialist Party organized including elements of the Socialist Labor Party.  In 1971 the party changed its name to Social Democrats, USA which split in 1973 into two factions, the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the Socialist Party USA.

1905 Industrial Workers of the World as a union did not run candidates but included people from the Socialist Party and the Socialist Labor Party.

1919 Communist Party of the USA from a split in the Socialist Party.  Another splinter, the Communist Labor Party of America merged with the CPUSA in 1921.

1928 Communist League of America formed by Trotskyites after their expulsion from the CPUSA which in 1934 joined with the American Workers Party to establish the Workers Party of the United States which lasted until 1936 when its members joined the Socialist Party.

1934 Workers Party of the United States formed by the merger of the Trotskyist Communist League of America and A. J. Muste's American Workers Party.

1935 the Revolutionary Workers League split from the Workers Party of the United States, disbanded in 1946

1936 American Labor Party formed by members of the Socialist Party.

1937 Socialist Workers Party of Trotskyites expelled from the Socialist Party.

1938 the Leninist League broke from Trotsky and the Socialist Workers Party, In 1946 it was renamed the Workers League for a Revolutionary Party.

1959 Workers World Party split from SWP.

1962 Progressive Labor Movement formed by Maoists within the CPUSA renamed Progressive Labor Party in 1965.

1964 Spartacist League split from the Socialist Workers.

1966 Black Panther Party disbanded in 1982.

1966 Freedom Socialist Party feminist split from Socialist Workers, spawned the Radical Women activist group.

1967 Marxist-Leninist Party (USA), dissolved in 1973.

1967 Peace and Freedom Party.

1967 Youth International Party formed by hip radicals

1968 Young Lords, a Chicago gang, reformed as a political group.

1968 Young Patriots formed by white Southerners in Chicago along the model of the Black Panthers.

1968 White Panthers formed by hip white radicals along the model of the Black Panthers.

1970 Gray Panthers, old persons group along the model of the Black Panthers.

1971 People’s Party, a national grouping including the Peace and Freedom Party that functioned only in the 1972 election, reformed in 2017 by supporters of Bernie Sanders

1971 New American Movement, formed by SDS members, merged with DSOC in 1983 to establish the Democratic Socialists of America

1971 Communist Party (Marxist–Leninist) was formed from the October League (Marxist–Leninist), many of whose members had been SDS activists who followed a Maoist line.

1972 The African People's Socialist Party.

1973 Communist Workers' Party split from Progressive Labor, dissolved to join New Democratic Movement in 1985.

1975 Revolutionary Communist Party (originally the Revolutionary Union)  split from Progressive Labor.

1986 Labor Militant founded by Trotskyites, changed to Socialist Alternative (United States) in 1998.

1990 Green Party evolved from environmentally concerned Committees of Correspondence

1995 Socialist Equality Party (United States) formed by the Workers League, the US supporters of the ICFI. The Workers League had been founded in 1966 by the American Committee for the Fourth International (ACFI), which emerged out of a split with the Socialist Workers Party

2004 Party for Socialism and Liberation, split from Workers World

Hitchhiking

     I recall with considerable nostalgia the feeling of free-floating liberation while standing by the side of the road hitchhiking, studying perhaps for a considerable time the rocks at one’s feet, the café across the street, and the householder emerging from her door every five minutes or so, waiting for someone to arrive or just keeping tabs on me. Somehow, casting oneself to the mercy of chance, pretending for the moment to need nothing at all except the lift which cannot fail to carry the rider to the next experience.
     The decline of hitchhiking in the last fifty years surely signals a more general loss of cooperative spirit and a corresponding increase in suspicion and fear. Whereas people had once shared their vehicles in return for a social encounter, a chance at conversation, a chance to do a good turn to a stranger, they now think only of the chance of crime. I acknowledge that this possibility does exist, that either driver or rider might pose a potential threat to the other. Indeed I know someone who was killed while camping by the road alongside a man to whom he had given a ride. Yet prudence need not always mandate behavior.
     In my youth hitchhiking was commonplace. At key intersections there might be several travelers at once thumbing rides. Sometimes a handy telephone pole carried the comments of those awaiting a ride. College students and servicemen outnumbered drifters, I think, most of the time, but everyone moved on in the end, even the couples, even those with dogs. In the opening scene of Morris’s utopian News from Nowhere, a pleasant ferryman, brother to all, offers the narrator a ride, not for a fee, but freely in a spirit of loving cooperation. In the same way some years ago, “back in the day,” to use today’s idiom, a driver, incurring no loss and possibly gaining worthwhile conversation as well as a performing a mitzva, simply pulled over and inquired, “Where are you headed?” There is an entire visionary possibility implied in that gesture.
     I hitchhiked to college, though my parents sensibly offered to drive me to the train. Later I made what was called “autostop” in Europe and Africa where hitchhiking enjoyed a vogue sufficient to inspire pop songs by Karin Stenek in Poland, Anna Vissi and the Epikouri in Greece, and Patty Pravo in Italy, among many others. When I lived in San Francisco, owning no car, I set off on camping trips with my wife and daughter by thumb, and for years kept a permanent sign saying Berkeley on one side and S.F. on the other.
     I recall only one time that I really regretted accepting a ride. On our way to the Copper Canyon in northern Mexico, my wife, my daughter, and I enjoyed a day on a beach just outside of Guaymas. It was a place of marvels with shallow and calm water extending for several hundred feet, clear as glass, with plenty of fish and sea stars and other life. When we were ready to return to our hotel in town, we were gratified when a friendly car with several teenaged boys stopped almost immediately. It was not until we had seated ourselves, with a bit of crowding, that I noticed the youths were passing pints of tequila. I declined. The driver accelerated to an alarming speed. Fortunately, the distance was short and the danger soon past.
     I did, however, like all hitchhikers, meet many people of sorts I would have been otherwise unlikely to encounter. As a suburban kid, for me even encounters with friendly truck drivers, who might buy a stranger a cup of coffee, were novel, but some of the people I met were a bit more unsettling. More than once, gay men made a play for me. I recall one suited man in a huge car with sample cases in the back seat saying to me with a tired smile, “I’m a screw salesman, you see.” No one in my experience was any ruder than that.
     I did run into some nasty political sentiments, though. I once got a lift from a German immigrant who explained to me that Hitler was in fact a benevolent and heroic leader who had perhaps gone too far in his chastising of the Jews. It was only twenty years after the war, and I had never heard anyone speak favorably about Nazism. In southern Illinois a driver correctly pegged me as a college student and began playing redneck, baiting me with racist comments. He told me that a local drugstore still sold postcards of a lynching that had happened long ago, and his tone implied that those were the good old days. It was an occasion to keep one’s mouth shut.
     The joy I recall, though, was far simpler than meeting cranks and characters. Exhilaration arose from simply standing on the road’s shoulder, drifting with the river of time, for the moment like a mendicant monk, willing to accept whatever happened while wandering. Whatever the weather, whatever one’s luck, this sensation was unfailing.
     Hitchhiking had begun early in the history of automobiles when ownership of a motorcar was rare. Vachel Lindsay describes hitching in his 1914 Adventures While Preaching the Gospel of Beauty. Surely the peripatetic jobseekers of the Depression vastly multiplied the number of people on the road, pushing the practice toward acceptability, and the servicemen seeking free transport during the war made giving rides patriotic. The heyday of the custom may well have been the late forties and early fifties, when On the Road made hitching hip and attracted travelers who perhaps could afford other modes of transportation but who preferred the romance and adventure of thumbing.
     By then, however, the nations’ interstate highway system was developing, and along with it the tendency of police authorities to frown on hitchhikers. From forbidding walking along the divided roadway, to bans on standing on entrance ramps, to a crackdown on hitchhiking anywhere, police who had always cast a dim eye on transients had an excuse to hassle people, searching them for dope and the like.
     This judicial suppression coincided with an increase in paranoia and a greatly increased suspicion of strangers, leading many to fear that hitchhiking must be associated with crime. In fact, though, this notion is simply untrue. The most comprehensive study of the question done during a period when hitchhiking was still common (the California Highway Patrol’s 1974 California Crimes and Accidents Associated with Hitchhiking) concluded “the results of this study do not show that hitchhikers are over represented in crimes or accidents beyond their numbers.” Prejudiced notions care little for evidence.
     Not only were hitchhikers subject to harassment from police; they also found far fewer people willing to give them a lift. In addition, car ownership had become almost universal, even among the poorer strata of American society, so those driven to hitching by necessity were not only small in number; they were also more likely to be oddballs or drunks or simply smelly.
     The Wobblies’ preamble states that they mean to form “the structure of the new society within the shell of the old.” They felt they had a fix on what society should be like and they tried to make effective actions along that trajectory even while living under a predatory system that rewards only greed. In the sixties many felt that they, too, had glimpses of how to build an alternative arrangement based on cooperation and, dare I say, love, and they sought to realize these ideals with free stores, cooperative nursery schools, and food clubs, as well as political organizing in the era during which the Living Theatre raised the slogan “Paradise Now!” And hitchhiking surely has a place in paradise. The decay of hitchhiking is a symptom of the fragmentation of the human family. Our species, which gained its evolutionary advantage through cooperation, has unfortunately narrowed its sympathies, and we, are in my opinion, the poorer for it.

Harry McClintock and the Hobo Ethos

The texts of McClintock’s three songs, “The Bum Song,” “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum,“ and “The Big Rock Candy Mountain” are appended in the form in which he sang them in 1928. I have added as well The Little Red Songbook lyrics of “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum,” the words of Al Jolson’s version of the same song, and a field transcription of “The Apple-Knocker’s Lament” (a variant of “The Big Rock Candy Mountain”).


     Hobos are, I suppose, very nearly obsolete nowadays, though the newspapers still sometimes refer to a crime suspect by the sinister name of “drifter,” glad perhaps to make it clear that he is not a local resident. The closest equivalent in America today is the homeless person, an apparition from whom many middle-class people shrink, as though misfortune might be contagious. Yet in the earlier twentieth century America’s cultural attitude toward hobos was more friendly, even at times admiring, and this sympathy was recorded in songs and stories.
     People had been ranging across the country in search of work ever since the construction of the railroads made free if hazardous travel an option. The population of internal migrants seeking work intensified after the demobilizations at the end of the Civil War. Estimates of the number of Americans forced on the road by poverty during the Great Depression range from one to two million, a good share of them children. During the thirties everyone was familiar with vagrants and beggars; their jungles were often large and well-established shantytowns. Enough people were traveling about to generate a culture of their own with laws, songs, and customary practices. Indeed, under the ironic name Tourist Union #63, hobos are reported to have held national conventions as early as 1889. [1]
     Perhaps the most dramatic sign of society’s sometime sympathy for hobos is the Chaplin tramp character which the comedian first assumed in Mabel’s Strange Predicament (1914). Chaplin rapidly became the biggest star in Hollywood, celebrated around the world. Constantly struggling against bosses and police, Chaplin’s character clearly had a subversive edge to which audiences (and the government) responded. [2] Emmett Kelly conceived the idea of the hobo circus clown years before he realized the character in performance in the late thirties. [3] Apart from his work with Ringling Brothers, Kelly also appeared at the Brooklyn Dodgers’ Ebbets Field as mascot of the “Bums.” [4]
     In general sympathetic attention to the poor takes the form of pity and indignation. But the ethos culturally constructed about the figure of the hobo was often positive. Hobos were seen as the embodiment of such American values as freedom and individualism, their lifestyle a matter of choice, not a cruel necessity of an unjust system. Thus, the first of the rules in the suspect document purporting to be the Hobo Ethical Code passed by the Tourist Union #63 in 1889 is sometimes printed as “Decide your own life; don’t let another person run or rule you.” [5]
     This attitude on the part of transients or of their admirers suggests at the same time a critique of accepted social values. The happy hobo, looking after himself alone, casts into question the stability and responsibility of the family man. The hobo’s willful refusal to pursue a career flouts the importance of the work ethic and the definition of success by income. More radically, it criticizes the relation of owner and worker under capitalism. The hobo has not “sold out,” and thus remains free of control by those with money.
     These themes are all present in the seminal works of the hobo ethos, a group of three songs recorded in 1928 by Harry McClintock. [6] McClintock, also known as “Haywire Mac” and “Radio Mac,” claimed to be the author as well as the performer of “The Bum Song,” “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” and “The Big Rock Candy Mountain.” McClintock had earned his bona fides as a bum with years of migrant labor as well as activism in the I.W.W., the only left group that sought to organize the homeless proletariat. In the late 1920s he recorded a number of tunes, a mixture of his own compositions, folk, and popular songs including three that were instrumental in shaping the hobo ethos: “The Bum Song,” “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum, and “The Big Rock Candy Mountain.”
     “The Bum Song” was popular enough in 1928 that, following McClintock’s release, it was covered that same year by at least six other artists. [7] The song accurately reflects its author’s heroic range. He is truly an epitome of America both geographically and in terms of work experience. “I beat my way from Frisco Bay to the rockbound coast of Maine/ To Canada and Mexico, then wandered back again.” He describes run-ins with police and railroad bulls and rejection by housewives, yet his spirit is irrepressible. His “troubles pale” when he “hit[s] the trail.” Turning down jobs that do not appeal to him, he enjoys a grand camaraderie with others on the road. “For we are three bums, three jolly old bums, we live like royal Turks/ We have good luck in bummin' our chuck and we never bother to work.” The type of hobo as happy wanderer, here on the grandest of scales, coast to coast, surviving risky encounters and making his way by his wits, is here clearly established.
     While the persona of the “Bum Song” lists a range of employment that reflects McClintock’s own, in a hint of the revolutionary potential of the hobo ethos, it also includes one incident of his refusing work when offered inadequate wages. The element of social protest is far from incidental for McClintock. He was a lifelong member of the revolutionary anarcho-syndicalist union the I.W.W. and edited their Little Red Songbook (1909) which included an agit-prop version of “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” blaming “the boss” for poverty and envisioning a time when “I get all the money I earn,/ The boss will be broke, and to work he must turn.” Yet the notion of a hobo by choice, happily embracing a free lifestyle, persists in the very title and chorus as well as in the verse “when springtime it comes, oh, won't we have fun;/ We'll throw off our jobs, and go on the bum.”
     In the version of “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” McClintock recorded in 1928 the radical content has become comparatively inconspicuous. What had been the opening challenge “How the hell can I work when there's no work to do?” has slipped down to the sixth verse and the vision of a better future is absent altogether. Instead of criticizing capitalism for the misery it produces, the hobo here delights in his chosen lifestyle. “Rejoice and be glad for the Springtime has come/ We can throw down our shovels and go on the bum.” While the lines protesting low wages remain “Why don't you save all the money you earn/ If I didn't eat, I'd have money to burn,” the recorded song concludes by blaming the hobo himself for his poverty: “I don't like work and work don't like me/ And that is the reason I am so hungry.”
     Again, the song was so popular that other versions appeared by at least seven artists followed a few years later by a movie of the same name. [8] Each of these emphasized the joy and independence of the hobo life, yet retained a remnant of social critique in the simple rebellion against the routine of work and the lure of that vestige of the American frontier, the open road.
     McClintock’s third contribution to the hobo ethos, “The Big Rock Candy Mountain,” is at once the most famous of his tunes and in a sense the least understood. The song was recorded many times and topped the Billboard country chart for a time in 1939 in a yodeling rendition by Robert “Tex” Morton. Generally (as in versions by Bing Crosby, Pete Seeger, Burl Ives, or the New Christy Minstrels) the song is a high-spirited wish-fulfilment, its comedy heightened in the semi-authentic renderings by the combination of infantile raw appetite with tastes that run to cigarettes and whiskey. The point is further highlighted by the attractions of not only blind railroad bulls, but also open-door jails, and -- best of all -- you never have to change your socks. The linkage of the desires of an eight-year-old with those of an adult is an entertaining twist on the theme of transient as free man.
     This combination is notably more sinister in light of what McClintock claimed to be the original narrative in which the song is a dramatic moment. When he sued to establish his ownership of the song’s copyright, as part of his evidence McClintock quoted lyrics that he had not recorded.


The punk rolled up his big blue eyes
And said to the jocker, "Sandy,
I've hiked and hiked and wandered too,
But I ain't seen any candy.
I've hiked and hiked till my feet are sore
And I'll be damned if I hike any more
To be buggered sore like a hobo's whore
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains."


The beguiling picture of a land of plenty is then in reality part of a campaign by an older tramp (the jocker) to seduce a young man (the punk). [9] The validity of this view of the song is attested not only by its author but also by other versions including similar sexual language which have been collected by folklorists, both as “The Big Rick Candy Mountain” and as “The Apple-Knocker’s Lament.” In addition, there is ample testimony concerning such predatory relationships from others who spent time on the road beginning with Josiah Flynt, similar to those reported. The song, then, was an in-joke, a hobo’s satiric picture of one type among their number, making his pitch as what some have called a situational homosexual, such as those sometimes found in prisons and on shipboard.
     This treatment of the joys of hobo life not as the choice of a free spirit but rather as a cynical fraud designed to take advantage of naïve youth is a salutary reminder of the actual rigors of homelessness. In fact, make-do sexual arrangements, sometimes involving coercion, while ugly, were hardly more so than the filth, disease, hunger, and danger tramps faced daily.
     For the citizen to whom the hobo is totally Other, he must be either the object of social work and charity or the outcast semi-criminal, yet, at a time when many people felt themselves little above the status of transient workers, these identities played little role in popular culture’s view of such men. The hobo ethos in America has instead two somewhat contradictory elements. On the one hand, the hobo is an emblem of the free man, unattached to job or family, glorying in his autonomy and philosophically scornful of worldly goods. As such he approaches other bohemian ideals, appealing to the romantic impulses of those with more constraining responsibilities, yet attracting as well some who actually lived rough. On the other, he is the victim of selfish capitalists who keep for themselves far more than they can enjoy while others, such as the hobo, must do without. He must suffer hunger, uncertainty, cold, and legal jeopardy while he wishes only for a job that pays a living wage. Here the hobo is the vanguard of the working class whose life clarifies the system that dominates his steady-working brother as well. Somewhere behind both the popular images of the celebrating hobo and the protesting hobo one may seek the nitty-gritty real hobo enduring privations and ignominy, indeed, often risking his freedom and his very life in a struggle for survival that had to be renewed daily.



1. The story is that men with union cards were sometimes treated more decently than others by law enforcement officers who might consider them more likely honest working men. I have found varying facts and little documentary evidence for the hobo organization during the nineteenth century. After the affiliation with the town of Britt, Iowa, which continues to host hobo conventions today, the record is clearer.

2. Chaplin had applauded the Russian Revolution and later wrote admiring accounts of Soviet society. He had been a fellow traveler, closely observed by the F.B.I., for many years before he was blacklisted as a Communist in 1948.

3. Among the most familiar hobo clown performers since are Don Burda’s Homer and Red Skelton's "Freddy the Freeloader." A sort of epigone of the genre is Jackie Gleason’s role in Gigot, directed by Gene Kelly, a sentimental and pretentious fable considered by its star (who had conceived the project) to be great art.

4. The bum nickname originated with a cartoon by Willard Mullin of the New York World Telegram in 1939. The romance of the road was already subject to ironic treatment by 1941 when Preston Sturges made Sullivan’s Travels. Among the belated cultural vestiges of the heroic hobo is Chaplin’s Limelight (1952) in which he plays a tramp comedian. In 1965 Roger Miller had a hit with his “King of the Road.” Even later John Prine’s “The Hobo” (1978), later covered by Johnny Cash, asks where have the hobos gone, lamenting their disappearance as a loss of freedom. Tom Waites and Bob Dylan have both cultivated a hobo history.

5. There are varying texts, usually claiming that the rules were passed in 1889 in St. Louis. I have not seen any documentary evidence supporting these details. The popularity of the rules and their proliferation online makes the investigator suspicious. The existence of hobo courts to which the code makes reference is confirmed by some testimony, irregular and even exceptional as such proceedings may have been. I suspect that the elaborate system of hieroglyphic signs by which hobos are said to have communicated with each other, while it may contain a seed of truth, is largely journalistic invention.

6. in an extraordinary career, McClintock, called “Haywire Mac,” exemplified the itinerant worker. He not only recorded a number of classic American roots songs; he also worked as a miner, on the railroad, as a cowboy, in a circus, as a sailor and in China and the Philippines during wartime. There is some doubt about the extent of McClintock’s originality in these songs, portions of which may have been circulating orally before his versions.

7. Frank Luther, “Lazy" Larry (Frank Marvin), Vernon Dalhart (Marion Try Slaughter), Eddie Kirk (Ed Kirkeby), Jack Kaufman, and "Hobo" Jack Turner (Ernest Hare).

8. Vernon Dalhart, Al Jolson, Jack Kaufman, Frank Luther, Hobo Jack Turner, and Pete Wiggins 1928. In 1933 Lewis Milestone made a film called Hallelujah, I’m a Bum written by Ben Hecht and S. N. Behrman with Al Jolson in which the star sang the song. Doubtless due to the movie, the song enjoyed a revival and a number of recordings by various artists that year. The Al Jolson revision includes topical references to John D. Rockefeller and to Chevrolet and the simile “the moon’s your chandelier” clearly originating in Tin Pan Alley.

9. References in fact predate Flynt’s full discussion in his 1899 volume Tramping with Tramps. Nels Anderson, the leading early sociologist studying hobos says flatly “all studies indicate that homosexual practices among homeless men are widespread.” (The Hobo: the Sociology of the Homeless Man, 1923). Most writers who actually rode the rails, including Hemingway and London, reported scenes of pedophilia and sexual aggression. Finally, rule 13 of the Hobo Code of Conduct reads “Do not allow other hobos to molest children; expose all molesters to authorities…they are the worst garbage to infest any society.”




“The Bum Song” Harry McClintock

Come all you jolly jokers and listen while I hum
A story I'll relate to you of the great American bum
>From the east to west, the north to south, like a swarm of bees they come
They sleep in the dirt and wear a shirt that's dirty and full of crumbs

Oh, it's early in the morning and the dew is off the ground
The bum arises from his nest and gazes all around
>From the boxcar and the haystack he gazes ev'rywhere
He never turns back upon his tracks until he gets a square

I beat my way from Frisco Bay to the rockbound coast of Maine
To Canada and Mexico, then wandered back again
I've met town clowns and harnessed bulls as tough as a cop could be
And I've been in ev'ry calaboose in this land of liberty

I've topped the spruce and worked the sluice and taken a turn at the plough
I've searched for gold in the rain and cold and worked on a river scow
I've dug the clam and built the dam and packed the elusive prune
But my troubles pale when I hit the trail a-packin' my old balloon

Oh, standin' in the railroad yards awaitin' for a train
Waitin' for a westbound freight, but think it's all in vain
Goin' east they're loaded, goin' west sealed tight
I think we'll have to get aboard the fast express tonight

Oh, lady, would you be kind enough to give me something to eat
A piece of bread and butter and a ten foot slice of meat
A piece of pie or custard to tickle me appetite
But really I'm so hungry, I don't know where to sleep tonight

SPOKEN:
BUM: Good morning, mum
LADY: Good morning, bum
BUM: I just got in
LADY: Yes, well you can just get out again
BUM: But lady, I'm trav'lin'
LADY: Well, keep right on travellin', who's keepin' ya?
BUM: Honest, mum, I don't know where me next meal is comin'
LADY: And did ya think this was an information bureau?
BUM: Lady, haven't you a bite to eat in the house?
LADY: I have that, and a six foot Irishman comin' home at five o'clock to eat it. On your way now.
BUM: All right. Goodbye, mum.
LADY: Goodbye, bum.

Oh, sleeping against the station, tra-la-la-la-la-lation
That's our recommendation, hurrah-herree-harrum
For we are three bums, three jolly old bums, we live like royal Turks
We have good luck in bummin' our chuck and we never bother to work

I met a man the other day I never had met before
He asked me if I wanted a job shovellin' iron ore
I asked him what the wages were and he said, "Ten cents a ton"
I said, "Old fellah, go chase yourself, I'd rather be on the bum"

Oh, sleeping in the pokies, oggie-oggie-oggies
Smokin' snipes and stogies, hurrah-herree-herrum
For we are three bums, three jolly old bums, we live like royal Turks
We have good luck in bummin' our chuck, God bless the man that works



“Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” Harry McClintock 1909 Little Red Songbook version

Why don't you work like other folks do?
How the hell can I work when there's no work to do?
Refrain
Hallelujah, I'm a bum,
Hallelujah, bum again,
Hallelujah, give us a handout
To revive us again.
Oh, why don't you save all the money you earn?
If I didn't eat, I'd have money to burn.
Whenever I get all the money I earn,
The boss will be broke, and to work he must turn.
Oh, I like my boss, he's a good friend of mine,
That's why I am starving out on the bread line.
When springtime it comes, oh, won't we have fun;
We'll throw off our jobs, and go on the bum.



“Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” Harry McClintock recorded version

Rejoice and be glad for the Springtime has come
We can throw down our shovels and go on the bum
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

The Springtime has come and I'm just out of jail
Without any money, without any bail
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

I went to a house and I rapped on the door
And the lady says, "Bum, bum, you've been here before"
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

I like Jim Hill, he's a good friend of mine
That is why I am hiking down Jim Hill's main line
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

I went to a house and I asked for some bread
And the lady says, "Bum, bum, the baker is dead"
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

Why don't you work like other men do
Now, how can I work when there's no work to do
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

Why don't you save all the money you earn
If I didn't eat, I'd have money to burn
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again

I don't like work and work don't like me
And that is the reason I am so hungry
Hallelujah, I'm a bum, Hallelujah, bum again
Hallelujah, give us a handout to revive us again



Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” Al Jolson version

Rockefeller's busy giving dough away;
Chevrolet is busy making cars;
Hobo, you keep busy when they throw away
Slightly used cigars.
Hobo, you've no time to shirk.
You're busy keeping far away from work.
The weather' s getting fine.
The coffee tastes like wine.
You happy hobo, sing,
"Hallelujah, I'm a bum again!"
Why work away for wealth
When you can travel for your health?
It' s spring, you hobo, sing,
"Hallelujah, I'm a bum again!"
Your home is always near.
The moon's your chandelier;
Your ceiling is the sky,
Way up high.
The road is your estate,
The earth your little dinner plate;
It's spring, you hobo, sing,
"Hallelujah, I'm a bum again!"

Why don't you work like other folks do?
How the hell can I work when there's no work to do?
[ALTERNATE LAST LINES: How the hell can I work when the sky is so blue?
OR: How can I get a job when you're holding down two?]
CHORUS:
Hallelujah, I'm a bum,
Hallelujah, bum again,
Hallelujah, give us a handout
To revive us again.
Oh, why don't you save all the money you earn?
If I didn't eat, I'd have money to burn.
Whenever I get all the money I earn,
The boss will be broke, and to work he must turn.
Oh, I like my boss, he's a good friend of mine,
That's why I am starving out on the breadline.
When springtime it comes, oh, won't we have fun;
We'll throw off our jobs, and go on the bum.



The Big Rock Candy Mountain (Harry McClintock

One evening as the sun went down
And the jungle fires were burning,
Down the track came a hobo hiking,
And he said, "Boys, I'm not turning
I'm headed for a land that's far away
Besides the crystal fountains
So come with me, we'll go and see
The Big Rock Candy Mountains

In the Big Rock Candy Mountains,
There's a land that's fair and bright,
Where the handouts grow on bushes
And you sleep out every night.
Where the boxcars all are empty
And the sun shines every day
And the birds and the bees
And the cigarette trees
The lemonade springs
Where the bluebird sings
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains.

In the Big Rock Candy Mountains
All the cops have wooden legs
And the bulldogs all have rubber teeth
And the hens lay soft-boiled eggs
The farmers' trees are full of fruit
And the barns are full of hay
Oh I'm bound to go
Where there ain't no snow
Where the rain don't fall
The winds don't blow
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains.

In the Big Rock Candy Mountains
You never change your socks
And the little streams of alcohol
Come trickling down the rocks
The brakemen have to tip their hats
And the railway bulls are blind
There's a lake of stew
And of whiskey too
You can paddle all around it
In a big canoe
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains

In the Big Rock Candy Mountains,
The jails are made of tin.
And you can walk right out again,
As soon as you are in.
There ain't no short-handled shovels,
No axes, saws nor picks,
I'm bound to stay
Where you sleep all day,
Where they hung the jerk
That invented work
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains.
....
I'll see you all this coming fall
In the Big Rock Candy Mountains



The Big Rock Candy Mountain (3) The Apple-knocker’s Lament

On a very fine day in the month of May
A great big bum (big burly) came hiking
And he seated his pratt (himself) 'neath a big green tree
Which was very much to his liking.

On the very same day in the month of May
A farmer's lad came hiking.
Said the bum to the son, "If you will come,
I'll show you some sights to your liking.

"I'll show you the bees in the cigarette trees,
The big rock candy mountains,
The chocolate heights where they give away kites
And the sody-water fountains.

"The lemonade springs where the bluebird sings,
The marbles made of crystal.
We'll join the band of Dangerous Dan
Who carries a sword and a pistol."

So the bum set out with the lad at his back.
For six long months they travelled,
Then the boy came back on the very same track
And this (sad) tale (he) unravelled.

"There are no bees in the cigarette trees,
No big rock candy mountains,
No chocolate heights where they give away kites,
Or sody-water fountains.

"No lemonade springs where the bluebird sings,
No marble made of crystal.
There is no such man as Dangerous Dan
Who carries a sword and a pistol.

"He made me beg and steal his eggs (sit on his peg)
And he called me his jocker.
When I didn't get pies he blacked my eyes
And called me his apple-knocker.

"No more I'll roam from my very fine home.
I'll save my junkerino.
You can bet your lid that this old kid
Won't be no one else's punkerino."

note: A typescript copy of this is No. 377 in the Robert C. Gordon
Inferno in the Library of Congress, sent to Gordon by Wheaton
H. "Skin" Brewer of Lebanon, Oregon, in 1927 under the title of
"The Appleknocker's Lament."

IWW

Growing up in a suburb, before involvement with civil rights, student movement, youth movement, SDS, labor union activism, and demonstrating a few weeks ago at a rally in solidarity with Wisconsin public workers, I used to seek out the funky low-rent offices of Old Left organizations in Chicago. At the height of the Cold War for me the pleasures of the urban environment included conversations with radical activists, perhaps more properly labeled radical thinkers, their movements were at the time so marginal.

People of my generation or a few years older were to define the New Left in distinction from these organizations, but anyone who knew American history realized that each of these groups had been influential at critical moments of America’s past. The Socialist Labor Party was the very first revolutionary labor organization; the Socialist Party built support for such proposals as Social Security and unemployment insurance when the Democrats wouldn’t touch them; Communists were instrumental in CIO organizing during the 30s; Socialist Workers led the Minneapolis general strike of 1934. And in the late 50s and early 60s, in spite of shaky finances were and tiny memberships, they all survived in Chicago including, in offices over the Assyrian-American restaurant at 2422 North Halstead, the international headquarters of the Industrial Workers of the World. While on the ground floor, old men with a language and culture unknown to most Midwesterners ate stewed lamb with rice and pickled cabbage or retired behind a curtain to gamble, in a suite of rooms above, among decades-old heaps of leaflets and stickers and books and pictures, were the remnants of the Wobblies, old men even then for the most part, who had fought the good fight for a truly just society.

I later knew people my own age who joined (as did some of our mentors such as David Dellinger and Noam Chomsky), but the hangers-on on Halstead Street were the original crew -- Carlos Cortez, the artist who had been born in 1923, stood out as the sole younger activist. Most of these guys had spent considerable time on the road, hopping boxcars and hitch-hiking in search of work. Most had spent time in jail as well, since the group was targeted by all levels of government from the day of its creation. Though they discussed their ailments and problems with social security (apart from being radicals, they tended to have irregular work histories), they also reminisced about the days when the workers’ commonwealth seemed on the horizon.

Most of the members of this revolutionary anarcho-syndicalist union, long featured on the Attorney General’s list of subversive organizations, were advanced in age, as the group’s numbers (and the repression directed against them) had peaked around the time of WWI, but they retained the apocalyptic vision of a time when, in the words of “The Internationale” “le soleil brillera toujours, c'est la lutte finale . . .l'internationale sera le genre humain.” Seeking, in the words of the Wobbly preamble “to build the new society within the shell of the old,” they imagined a community of love while fighting in the streets for their rights.

They stood out not only from their class enemies, but also from other unions and socialists in the acceptance, from the very start, of women, foreigners, and blacks. Whereas the AFL had taken the route of organizing the elite workers, those whose highly developed skills, made them most difficult to replace with scabs, the IWW invited all, with a special warmth for those on the very bottom: itinerant workers, farm laborers, lumberjacks. Most had spent time on the road and in jail.

Even more than the utopian purity of their vision, the Wobblies had my affection and that of many of my generation because of their art. Apart from their posters and the music written by Joe Hill, T-Bone Slim, Ralph Chaplin and other contributors to the The Little Red Songbook, the group pioneered street art with their encounters with the Salvation Army and their distinctive adhesive mini-posters with slogans like “for more of the good things of life” and “slow down.”

Their actual membership never reached much past 100,000, oddly, not far from the membership of the Communist Party in the 40s or of SDS just before its collapse as a mass organization. They won some hard-fought strikes such as the Pressed Steel Car strike of 1909 and the Lawrence textile strike in 1912, but found it difficult to deal with negotiating contracts and building a bureaucratic union. After all, in the words of the preamble “The working class and the employing class have nothing in common.”

May we remember the highest American traditions, those who worked for abolition of slavery, women’s suffrage, labor unionism, and peace, and even earlier, the “levelers” who imagined equality and started the struggles that have allowed us to secure what comforts we have.